RT @HorvatSrecko: “I see things that are already disappearing and changing. The local population feels it even better than me. We need to b… 3 years ago
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
Little by little, and especially from September 20, when the current Catalan Republican independence movement crossed the line of no-return, individuals and libertarian organizations have been positioning themselves on the issue. Yes, I am aware that some have already done so previously and do not pretend to distort reality, the objective of this “little by little and especially from” is exclusively to imply that this is such a delicate conflict for the “members” of the libertarian movement that it turned out to be complicated to take a position on it.
I have followed some of these positions, although reading them vertically, without paying too much attention (not because of lack of interest but because of lack of time) with the exception of texts signed by Tomás Ibáñez, a fellow whose texts I like to read.
From his text of October 3, which I will not evaluate here, I would like to comment on a concept that struck me: “the anarchist arguments”, the fact that it is dificult “to understand (…) that participation in this struggle is justified by anarchist arguments”. Are there such anarchist arguments? Can they be used as a backbone of movement?
Anarchism is a movement for change, as Tomás himself has explained to us. A movement that moves constantly. And in the Spanish state, it is made up of dozens of organizations and thousands of individuals who have not agreed on a time to draw collective lines of action for years. What should be the anarchist arguments which we use to analyze the current situation of the Catalan conflict? I am afraid that these arguments are as heterogeneous and heterodox as the libertarian movement itself and, therefore, trying to unify them is impossible and, if they do, they would lead to a new witch hunt that we have become so accustomed to since 1978 (coincidentally thisdate is linked with the Holy Constitution!).
Many months ago I was publicly in favor of the republic (this is not true, but my provocative character can articulate, as Tomás has explained perfectly, many positions against the monarchy, a fact that in this context implies being for the republic, a unique outcome realistic and comprehensible) and the option to blow up the Spanish State. I came to the conclusion that I could make my position public, or rather, I came to that position, after asking myself two questions. (Actually, there were more, many more, but they can be reflected into two open questions and the desire to answer them openly and without fear).
One, the first, question was of a collective nature, and the second one (which had to be used to confirm, or not, the answer to the previous one) of a purely personal nature. And both questions I formulated in the key of considering myself being part of something collective such as the libertarian movement. Could these then be the arguments of which Tomás spoke? I doubt it, but instead its very clear to me that these yes therefor are one of the many arguments of “anarchists”, or rather, arguments of the libertarian movement. And maybe there’s the difference …
The first question, the collective one, was whether the libertarian movement, as a collective and by extension the majority of its members (I have difficulty in referring to the whole when we speak of such a diverse movement, with so many nuances), had something to lose. It was an open question that also contained the opposite question: Can the libertarian movement be strengthened or do it have something to gain?
I must admit that of the double formulation, the negative and the positive, for me the first weighted much more , the fact of having nothing to lose, because after so many years of distance from the social mass, people, little real impact in society, I am willing to accept any possibility of change just so that anarchism can keep moving and get out of the ghetto.
The individual question was obviously the same. What do I have to lose as an anarchist?
All the answers took me to the same destination. As always with many contradictions (because as libertarians, in this capitalist and territorially compartmentalized world, it is impossible to achieve purity) but without fissures.
In the collective: The Catalan libertarian movement (if it can be so adjectivized without unleashing the ire of holy anarchy) has nothing to lose. It will not be worse if the Catalan Republic is declared. It is a reality that we now have the bigger weight of the Spanish State, and therefore, a Catalan Republic will offen more possibilities to realize certain alternatives. Should we continue to wait a possible global revolution, all over the planet at the same moment, to continue to maintain the anti-nationalist anarchist purity? Or is the problem is that we only have the right to an Iberian revolution because our ancestors decided this a hundred years ago?
Let me say it (and crucify me for it, if you think it is appropriate – or call me Catalan supremacist, as some have already done), but the Catalan people have shown over the last few years to be able to force their politicians to accept social progress that are among the most advanced in Europe, and, unfortunately, Spanish politicians are not willing to grant any kind of progress in that direction. No, I will not be the one to decide if the Spanish people are qualified to force their politicians to accept their wills, but instead I dare to venture that it is the Spanish democracy that is not qualified for such advances.
This is just a small excerpt from the many questions that have crossed my head, in short, to conclude that the libertarian movement has nothing to lose if change finally occurs and we stop living in the Spanish state and happen to live in a Catalan State.
And in the personal sphere, those who know me already know that hope can …
End the monarchy (that is, to stop being a vassal of a type to which I owe homage to his ancestors).
End our Catalan schizophrenia (we were never nationalists and we did not mind having doubts, “Where are you from?”, “From Barcelona”, “Ah, Spanish”, “Yes, well, no …”) so long as the members of the independence movement stop being “independentista” to join the ranks of the movement that they want most – natives, communists, social democrats … Whatever it is but no longer “independentista” as a definition of “politics”).
And of course, the most important of all, the mother of all reasons, the Big Bang, the explosion in pieces of the navel of the world, the reason the Universe turns, the Spanish empire…
Anyway, I do not know if all these are anarchist arguments, I would not dare to confirm that they are arguments of an anarchist (as some say, we do not yet have membership identity cards), but while the libertarian movement argues and takes a position, while some look at it from a distance and others participate, I can assure that many, here and there, will not stop looking at the street… Waiting for the Big Bang.
Yesterday we documented a demo against the activation of paragraph 155, which will suspend the autonomy of Catalonia and for the release of the two leaders of two groups independence movement. Yesterdays events made us even less optimistic about the Catalan independence process. Fundamental social change is far away.
Image: Front banner of the finger that marched from the Sants district to the city center of Barcelona yesterday.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
Mixed Feelings After Saturdays Events in Catalonia
Yesterday we documented a demo against the activation of paragraph 155, which will suspend the autonomy of Catalonia and for the release of the two leaders of two groups independence movement. Yesterdays events made us even less optimistic about the Catalan independence process. Fundamental social change is far away.
Several demonstrations (fingers) started in different neighbourhoods of Barcelona. All demonstrations were marching towards the city center, where they all came toghether.
We started to report about yesterdays demonstration in the Poble Sec neighbourhood, where we visited an assembly on Friday night. A group of about 30 people marched towards the finger that started in the Sants neigbourhood. During the march people joined and the group started to grow. After we reached the fringer from Sants the march started togrow rapidly. After a few hundred meters we were several thousand people.
In the city center a huge crowd came together and in the early evening hours people where still arriving. According to local police authorities 450.000 people joined the protests. We could not verify that number, but we had the impression that although the protest was huge, the number was actually lower.
We witnessed that people didn’t mind a helicopter of the Catalan police was monitoring the demo, but every time a helicopter of the Spanish cops flew over the demo people started to whistle and put their middle fingers up. Later people celebrated the Catalan cops, cheering at them, a thing that didn’t happen for the first time. We tweeted that we could publish another blog about the role of the police in society but that we won’t…
We could write another Blog post about what role cops have in society but no... we won't. Just don't celebrate cops. #Barcelona#Catalonia
The majority of the Catalan government is formed by the Junts pel Sí (Together for yes) coalition which also contains christian democrats. The leftwing CUP party is also part of the Catalan government and at least has many basic-democratic elements. The major pro-independence groups are the ANC (National Catalan Assembly) and Òmnium Cultural. These groups are also not exactly anarchist or anti-capitalistic. On October 17 we already published a critique about a video that was released by Òmnium Cultural.
In our statement from September 30, one day before the Catalan referendum, we already wrote that “we are not exactly enthousiastic about states and nations. Not about new states and not about old states.” So yes we are very critical in our reporting of the events in Catalonia. After yesterdays events we are even less optimistic about the Catalan process. We already wrote above that we do respect the good intentions and motivation of anarchist comrades who are active in the independence movement, but we think this is a relatively small minority in the independence movement. Yesterday people were not only cheering Catalan cops, they also cheered politicians of the Catalan governing parties who attended at the demonstration.
Last night Catalan prime minister Puigdemont didn’t declare the suspension of the suspension of the declaration of Catalan independence (this impossible sentence says a lot about politicians). He announced a parliamentary session of the Catalan parliament for Friday, October 27, the same day the Spanish parliament will decide about the suspension of Catalan autonomy. Puigdemont also said the fight for Catalan independence will continue, but he didn’t say how. Once again Puigdemont was buying time. This isn’t surprising. Puigdemont is not be trusted (like all politicians and political parties, they alway have their own agenda.), as he is serving the interest of the Catalan political and economic elites.
In other news #Puigdemont said that the fight will continue. But he doesn't say how. Don't rely on politicians, never! #Catalonia#Catalunya
Two comrades from Athens wrote on October 18: “The Catalan bourgeoisie, which is represented by the governing alliance of president Puigdemont and consists of a center-right wing party (which has repeatedly cooperated in the Spanish central political arena with the center-right wing PP supporting austerity policies) and the Catalan social-democratic party, propagates independence but they do not wish independence. They only wish a broadened financial autonomy.” Which is the reason Puigdemont has still a something to negotiate: “Puigdemont did not have the slightest problem to ignore the “popular will” of thousands of people that he manipulated and mobilized, those who stood outside the parliament and waited for the declaration of independence. Puigdemont served the interests of those who support him. With an abstract statement, he threw the ball back to Madrid: “Let’s negotiate, let’s see what you can offer us” was the bottom line of his statement.”
Nobody knows how the Catalan process will develope, but fundamental social change is far away. The repression by the central Spanish state will probably increase in the coming days, weeks and maybe even months. We are not confident that the Catalan government and the major independence groups are willing and/or able to protect people when a possible wave of repression will be started by the Spanish state. We think anarchists can’t look the other way when that will happen, but they also can’t look away when it comes to the intensions and motivation of major parts of the pro independence movement which have nothing to do with social liberation.
We think anarchists could play a role in the district assemblies to encourage self-organization which makes people less dependent or even independent from the political elites, but also to push social issues and to prepare for the fight against possible increasing repression. The engagement in the district assemblies mus not necessarily mean that people support Catalan independence. People can engage in these assemblies as part of the social struggle in the neighbourhoods. No more, no less. To build coalitions solely on the basis to create a new state is a dead-end street. We don’t need any states, we need total liberation.
Some of the Enough is Enough team, October 22, 2017.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
Last night we were on a district assembly in the Poble Sec neighbourhood of Barcelona. Some anarchists were also taking part in the assembly. It was an assembly of the so-called neighbourhood defense committee and it reminded us of the 15m assemblies we visited a few years ago in different cities on the Spanish territory. We published a lot of reports, essays, letters and statements from anarchists about the situation in Catalonia, many of them, including our own statement, opposing the idea of another state.
The majority of people who spoke at last nights assembly where women and it was a discussion free of hierarchies. People spoke about what they expect to happen in the coming days and how to push the independence process. For us it wasn’t an easy discussion. To visit an assembly of an indepence movement, while we consider states as part of the problem, isn’t an easy thing to do. But we want to follow and document the independence process.
Most anarchist comrades we personally know in Catalonia oppose the idea of a Catalonian state. But they also told us that there are also anarchists that support the independence process. After the assembly we had a discussion with an anarchist comrade who took part in the assembly. She told us that they call themselves “Independentistas” and for her the process is to breakaway from Spain. She said that she is not fighting for another state, but to weaken the central Spanish state. The idea is that as soon as Catalonia breaks away, other regions like for instance the Basque country sooner or later will follow. In the end one of the biggest EU member states would break apart.
There are many different factions and the comrade we spoke with said she doesn’t support Puigdemont and his Catalan government. She also said that the process is far from over when Catalonia would become an independent state. In the assemblies people are often talking about how to build up Catalonia from below. Yesterday people discussed a manifest were they are working on. For many people this process is not about a new ethnic state, the comrade we spoke with wasn’t even born in Catalonia or Spain.
People aren’t naive, they are aware of the fact that many people in Catalonia who are supporting the independence movement have different goals. Many people just want a Catalonian capitalist state, not only a majority of the political parties who are in favour of a new Catalonian state (only CUP is a leftwing anti-capitalisitc party), but also parts of the movement. The comrade we spoke with said, that this is one of the reasons for her why self-organization in the neighbourhoods have absolute priority. The organization from below, where social struggle is also an important issue. For her its not a goal to create a new state, but abolishing the central Spanish state is part of a bigger goal and just a point on a long road towards total liberation.
Like we wrote before; we are not very optimistic about that and we are affraid that the Catalan bourgeoisie will turn against them when they are not needed anymore. But we do respect the intentions of comrades who support the independence process out of this kind of anarchist motivations. Even when we will continue our way and will not support the creation of any new states, we hope the comrades who support the Catalan process proof us that we were wrong. Time will tell how the situation in Catalonia will develope.
In solidarity, Some of the Enough is Enough team, October 21, 2017.
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We are in Barcelona again. Please continue to support our independent on the ground reports. Its your support that makes it possible.
On Decermber 16 we will return to Lesvos to report about the situation of refugees on the Greek island.
We want to stay independent and want to expand our work with coverage from on the ground across Europe and even beyond. Therefore we need your support. Help maintain our site and continue our work.
The independence of Catalonia is a complicated issue. It may have entered the European public discourse with a blast, partly due to the referendum and partly due to the raw and disproportionate suppressive violence that the – addicted to this sort of behaviors – centralized Spanish state exercised, however it is a matter that occurred and has been solidly developing throughout the years.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
Voting in Catalonia – an anarchist glance on the Catalan Referendum from Athens
The independence of Catalonia is a complicated issue. It may have entered the European public discourse with a blast, partly due to the referendum and partly due to the raw and disproportionate suppressive violence that the – addicted to this sort of behaviors – centralized Spanish state exercised, however it is a matter that occurred and has been solidly developing throughout the years. Any approach to understand this issue must leave aside obsessional ideological fermatas and simplistic slogans. Examples of this style are references such as “from national to class emancipation” or a vague “solidarity with the people of Catalonia”. Those who delve deeper into the issue of Catalonian independence must make themselves familiar, at least to a certain extent, with the conditions within which this issue arose. Therefore, it is important to us, before expressing any opinion, to make a short historical account of the political, social, economic and class aspects that constitute the Catalan issue.
After the death of Franco and the Spanish Transition to democracy, the 1978 constitution was enacted that divided the Spanish state (and nation, according to the constitution) to 17 autonomous communities with increased self-organized jurisdictions. This was a negative development for the supporters of a complete independence of territories such as the Basque Country or Catalonia. It also signified a shift from the centralized Francoist model to a model that provided the Autonomous regions with the ability to decide on their own, on issues regarding, amongst others, culture, public transport, public order and so on. Policy areas such as healthcare, education and justice were subject to a shared jurisdiction with the Spanish state. One initial observation to make is the fact that the approval of the Autonomous regions system was set to a referendum, for various reasons, to solely four regions: Galicia, Andalusia, Catalonia and the Basque country. In 1979 in Catalonia, 88% of the voters voted for the constitutional (under the auspices of Spain) Autonomy, a result that significantly weakened the dynamics for a potential struggle for complete independence. Likewise, in the Basque country, 90% of the voters voted YES, against the 10%, supported by Herri Batasuna and ETA, who wished complete independence.
A minor comment here: Catalonia’s Autonomy does not include the Autonomy of the community of Valencia or the Balearic Islands, regions where Catalan dialects are broadly spoken and related cultural traditions have survived. Pancatalanism, as a nationalist ideology, includes regions such as one part of Aragon, part of southern France and the Principality of Andorra. The referendum that took place on October 1, 2017, concerned only the Autonomy of Catalonia. The rest of “Catalan Countries” (as defined by the nationalist ideology) wish neither to be independent nor a potential union with Catalonia.
In 2005, there was an attempt to change the status of the Autonomy of Catalonia, involving improved conditions that allowed a greater autonomy and, mainly, the abandonment of Catalonia’s obligation to financially support the rest of the Spanish Autonomies. The government bill was eventually blocked in 2010 by the Constitutional Court of Spain, despite the fact that it had been approved (74% of the voters, 51% electoral abstention) by a referendum in Catalonia in 2006. Catalonia has had one of the highest GDP rates in comparison to the rest of the Autonomies for several years now, before and after the 2008 financial crisis. A large part of these revenues is allocated for the economic support of the financially weaker Autonomies. This system of state redistribution of resources was what the Catalan bourgeoisie has aimed to get rid of, but has failed. This is actually one of the main disputes in the current situation, which is directly related to the formation of a Catalan state tax collecting mechanism that will not be accountable to the central Spanish government.
The financial aspect of the Catalan issue consists of two main axes. First, the Catalan capital does not wish independence from Spain, because this event would directly imply exit from the Eurozone, political instability and the loss of the status of duty free exports for its products to its main target market, namely the Spanish as well as the European. However, the Catalan capital wishes the Autonomy of Catalonia but with upgraded jurisdictions, since only then it will gain a privileged position because its interest will be directly accommodated by the neoliberal Catalan governmental alliance, which will have thrown away Madrid’s centralized financial control and the obligation to channel part of its revenues to the rest of the Spanish regions. Simultaneously, an enlarged autonomy could pave the way for direct negotiations with the EU and demands for increased EU resources, a recurring demand of the Catalan capital and the Catalan government that are skeptical to an equal distribution of European funds amongst the financially weaker Spanish Autonomies. This demand is also made evident through the rhetoric that accompanied the narrative of independence: the initiators of the referendum wish a Catalonia within the Eurozone, as part of the EU, as member of NATO and do not propagate for any political or economic rupture in the case of independence.
The second axe concerns the class background of the demand for independence. Based on data sourcing from the Catalan statistical authority, the statistical profile of the supporters of independence is citizens with middle or high income, of Catalan origin that goes all the way to their grandparents, and higher education. The lower the income and the educational status of a citizen is, the lower the support to independence. In other words, if someone would attempt to define simplistically the class background of the vote, this would be “the rich vote for independence”. The poor, “the common people” as a populist approach would say, are largely against independence or indifferent. Correspondingly, in wealthy areas of the Catalan province, where families-bearers of the Catalan tradition live, independence is entirely accepted in comparison to the e.g. class differentiated area of Barcelona’s suburbs. In any case, the opinion surveys of the Catalan media showed before the referendum and the violent intervention of the Spanish state that only 42% supported full independence. In conclusion, the Catalan bourgeoisie, which is represented by the governing alliance of president Puigdemont and consists of a center-right wing party (which has repeatedly cooperated in the Spanish central political arena with the center-right wing PP supporting austerity policies) and the Catalan social-democratic party, propagates independence but they do not wish independence. They only wish a broadened financial autonomy.
This text was conceived and came to life the day after the referendum. The course of events confirms our argument, given that during the well-expected historical declaration of independence, on Tuesday October 10, Puigdemont did not have the slightest problem to ignore the “popular will” of thousands of people that he manipulated and mobilized, those who stood outside the parliament and waited for the declaration of independence. Puigdemont served the interests of those who support him. With an abstract statement, he threw the ball back to Madrid: “Let’s negotiate, let’s see what you can offer us” was the bottom line of his statement.
Nevertheless, the right-wing Spanish government through its non-tolerant stance, which united its voters and made itself appear as the only “responsible” actor in this crisis, inflexibly continues demanding president Puigdemont to clarify his stance, so the Spanish state will be in a position to have knowledge of whether it will declare Catalonia in a state of emergency or not and overthrow Catalonia’s elected leadership. This development would be the only solution regardless the result of the referendum and the timing of such an event. No state hands over its power and territory without consequences. When it comes to the unhappy crowd that left the streets around the parliament in silence, they should be aware that this is what happens when they are asked to take a stance for or against a state imposed dilemma and to act within a framework defined by the ruling political and economic elites.
As expected, the events in Catalonia also engaged the anarchist movement. Several reasons lie behind this: the history of Barcelona in regards to the anarchist movement, the violent police suppression of Catalonians, the consequent strike, the “direct democracy” narrative that accompany referendums, as well as the correlation between a national liberation sensation and a revolutionary prospect and social subversion are some of the main reasons.
With regard to the historic relation of anarchists and Catalan nationalists, their relationships had been – with minor exceptions- of the worst kind. CNT reached the audiences of poor workers that swarmed in Barcelona to work in the factories of the Catalan capital. Before the 1934 uprising, when autonomists cooperated with the socialists against the right-wing ruled state, the Catalan rebel government detained a great number of CNT militants to prevent the anarchists from taking action in the region. The Catalan cops of 1931-36 where unceasing torturers of anarchist activists. Catalan politicians on the other hand had leading roles in the political machinations against CNT-FAI during the civil war and the events of May 1937 and – since the Communist Party was non-existent in Catalonia-, they took the initiative to deter the Revolution through their dilatory actions. The only sentimental commonality that ever existed between anarchists and Catalan autonomists overtime was one of hatred against the central fascist state of Madrid, especially during the dictatorship.
With regard to police brutality, we are obviously against any similar instances of cops against crowds of protestors, let alone against a peaceful and unarmed crowd who only cries out “Votarem”, meaning “we will vote”. We stand against any repressive mechanism and the state of terror that has been imposed over many areas of Catalonia. Unfortunately though, there was no global condemnation when the Mossos d’Esquadra, the police force of the Autonomy of Catalonia, was indiscriminately beating protestors of austerity, was taking out eyeballs of our comrades using plastic bullets, was enforcing the evictions of home residencies over debts, when it repressed all strike rallies, the Indignados movement, the libertarian squats and so on. The logic of victimization played a role in favor of the Catalan government’s goal, but we, as anarchists, as the usual candidates for state repression, we ought to comprehend the limits between sympathy and solidarity. It is not a coincidence that more severe state repression against movements with popular support takes place in many places in the world, movements that were fomented by reactionary elites or are imbued with disputable demands. For this kind of repression, it is difficult for us to comment and to adopt a clear position as a political movement.
We stood in solidarity with the struggle of Catalan protestors when they encircled the Catalan Parliament (while the Catalan middle-right wing party was in power) in 2011, forcing the politicians to enter the Parliament by helicopters in order to vote for the austerity budget. We stood in solidarity with anarchists when the Catalan police participated in the “antiterrorist” raids of Operation Pandora or cracked down on our comrades who were striving to hold on the Can Vies squat. However, solidarity grows on and results from common visions; otherwise, it is reduced to mere expression of sympathy and in this case, the dispute, the vision, is a Catalan independence as a demand and pursuit by the Catalan bourgeoisie.
The support of the demand for independence by the anticapitalist CUP (Popular Party) is not a sufficient condition to make as stand in solidarity with the Catalan cause, since the question of the referendum, the terms for a possible independence, the reason why it takes place, are all elements evidently alien to any libertarian logic, to any social emancipation concept. This sort of Independence is not accompanied by a program of self-determination and autonomy neither by a prospect of federalization of the Spanish territory. The anticapitalist and libertarian cause would be the first to receive repression in an independent Catalonia, an independent Catalonia that would be the result of the political powers that pursue it. An independence with no social and communal characteristics, with no class characteristics, with no revolutionary program, has nothing to do with libertarian principles. As anarchists, we do not believe in the theory of stages, in good and worse states, but we believe in self-determination, anti-hierarchy and direct action. When we abolish our fundamental principles and adopt the logic of “lesser evil”, “realism” and adaptivity, we are in great danger of becoming mere supporters of state planning.
If the referendum in Catalonia had been the result of popular pressure with liberal characteristics, this discussion would take place on a completely different basis. Unfortunately, part of the people who align themselves with the plans of the Catalan government, are the same people that fought against austerity, in favor of self-determination through the indignados movement, against the very governmental elite that organized the referendum. Today they stand allied with this elite, influenced by the all-powerful nationalist paradigm, decorated with a little bit of anti-Francoism, Barcelona FC and pacifist civil disobedience. The readiness by which an anti-systemic social predisposition can be channeled towards patriotic and nationalist ideologies is something that we need to contemplate on.
In Spain, like in Greece, the goal of the revolutionary movement is to regroup after the successive repressive blows that it suffered and after the social dejection caused by austerity and by the failure of the Movements of the Squares and work constantly and by plan driven by libertarian demands. Delegating our lives to the hands of political parties, politicians and enlightened avant-gardes will never deliver the desired outcome. The pursuit of political instability can only bear fruit when there are grassroots organizations and structures from below, to grasp it and use it for opening prospects of struggle, prospects of social and class emancipation. Otherwise, we just pave the way to reaction and state organization.
Δ.Β. and Κ.Φ., two anarchists from Athens
Two anarchists from Athens
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Last week we returned from Barcelona. But on Wednesday October 18th we will be in Barcelona again. Please continue to support our independent on the ground reports. Its your support that makes it possible.
On Decermber 16 we will return to Lesvos to report about the situation of refugees on the Greek island.
We want to stay independent and want to expand our work with coverage from on the ground across Europe and even beyond. Therefore we need your support. Help maintain our site and continue our work.
Tomorrow some of the Enough team will travel to Catalonia again. They will produce independent on the ground reports about the situation in Catalonia. Last night 2 key figures of the pro-independence movement were imprisoned by the Spanish state, answered with massive protests across Catalonia. On Thursday another ultimatum by the Spanish state will end and could heat up the growing tensions between the central government in Madrid and the independentistas in Catalonia.
Image: Massive demonstration Barcelona tonight. Protesters are demanding the release of imprisoned key figures of the idependence movement that were imprisoned by the Spanish state yesterday. Image by Twitter account @asj_dasilva.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
Tomorrow some of the Enough team will travel to Catalonia again. They will produce independent on the ground reports about the situation in Catalonia. Last night 2 key figures of the pro-independence movement were imprisoned by the Spanish state, answered with massive protests across Catalonia. On Thursday another ultimatum by the Spanish state will end and could heat up the growing tensions between the cenral government in Madrid and the independentistas in Catalonia.
After the Spanish state imprisoned Jordi Cuixart and Jordi Sànchez yesterday, massive protests popped up across Catalonia. The protests continued today with a short work and school stoppage at noon and massive demonstrations tonight.
Although we are aware of the fact that the independent movement in Catalonia consists of different parts of society and political parties, we were irritated after we saw a theatric video about the repression by the Spanish state that went viral last night. The video was posted on the YouTube channel of the independent movement Òmnium Cultural. In the video EU flags were shown and a woman speaks about “European values. Freedom, democracy and human rights.” The video continues with “We as Catalans have always stood for social rights. Public health, equality for women and education.”
This brings us to the question: how naive are the people who produced this video or are they misleading people? Jordi Cuixart and Jordi Sànchez are not the first political prisoners in the European Union and they will not be the last ones.
The European Union also hasn’t a good reputation when it comes to referendums. After people voted against the EU Lisbon treaty in a referendum in Ireland in 2008, they had to vote again in October 2009. The European Union pushed hard for the second referendum in Ireland to make sure the Lisbon treaty could be implemented. After people in Greece voted against the Troika cuts in the famous OXI referendum, the European Union have used methods that remind us of old maffia movies to put pressure on the Greek Syriza government to ignore the results of the referendum. And the Greek goverment did ignore the results of the OXI referendum.
We could publish an endless list of acts against democracy and against human- and social rights by the European Union and its member states. So what do people who produce videos with European Union flags in it actually expect from this neoliberal machine?
In our more detailed statement from September 30, we already stated that we are not exactly enthousiastic about states and nations. Not about new states and not about old states. For us social struggle and the struggle for a society free of hierarchy with equal rights for all is a priority. We know that many leftwing people are active in the independence movement in Catalonia. We also know that many of them share our views about the policies of the European Union and would never ever produce a video with EU flags while speaking about “European values”.
Among anarchists there is still a division between those who support the independent movement and those who oppose the creation of a Catalan state. Most anarchists in Catalonia agree to fight repression, also the repression against the independence movement. Anarchists that are active in the independence movement often say their objective is to destroy the central Spanish state. They often have no illusions about a new Catalan state, but argue that a new Catalan state will weaken the deeply Francoist and fascist Spanish state. They also try to bring the self-organisation of people on a higher level in order to create preconditions for autonomy on the Catalan territory.
We are not to optimistic about that, but also have to admit that we are also not optimistic about achieving these objectives in the current central Spanish state. Tomorrow we will travel to Catalonia again and speak with many comrades. We will produce independent reports about the situation in Catalonia and need your support to be able to do that.
In solidarity, some of the Enough is Enough team, October 17, 2017
Help maintain our site and continue our work: Donate
Last week we returned from Barcelona. But on Wednesday October 18th we will be in Barcelona again. Please continue to support our independent on the ground reports. Its your support that makes it possible.
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Tomás Ibáñez on #Catalonia: About Storms and Compasses. Statement from October 11.
Originally published by A Las Barricadas. Translated by comrades from Barcelona.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
Tomás Ibáñez on Catalonia: About Storms and Compasses
It is in the convulsive, complex, and stormy moments when it becomes more pressing to consult the compasses to avoid straying. However, it is also in the thunder of the storm that it is more difficult to rely on its indications. That is why it is necessary not to be dragged by the maelstrom of events that happen extremely fast and demand prompt responses. That is why it is necessary, if only for a moment, to “look up” beyond the immediate context, to take some distance from the storm, and try to glimpse to what horizon we are pushed by the acts to which the situation seems to place us.
From the sympathy, appreciation, and understanding, which I feel for many of the libertarians who are involved in the current mobilizations in Catalonia, I can not escape, however, that they are favoring, totally involuntarily, the process designed by the Catalan Government and by the nationalist formations to create “a new State”.
It is clear that this is not their goal, the very opposite, and that this is not the reason why they expose their bodies in a paradoxical “defense of the ballot box”, or call to a general strike in practical contiguity temporary with the referendum aiming the creation of the new State.
Its objectives range from contributing to “destroying the Spanish State” (hopefully that is achieved), to moving towards a situation where “everything can be decided”, and not only the political form of the territory, through the perspective of radicalizing the current conflict encouraging the creativity and the sparks of self-organization that appear in the population. Some even cherish the dream of an (improbable) popular insurrection that opens the way to an authentic “autonomy”, in the strong sense of that term that goes far beyond the self-determination of peoples.
These objectives, as well as the unavoidable commitment to the fight against the repression exerted by the State on those who defy its laws, deserve the most absolute respect. However, it is also obvious that the performance of these partners brings their grain of sand to the development of the pro-independence project, or rather, nationalist, which is as it should be called, since it does not pretend to “make independent” anything, but, “nation”.
If this contribution concerns me, it is not because it leads to the creation of a new state, in the end we will continue to struggle within it as we are doing within the current one, without the change of the state framework implying a qualitative difference that deserves special mention. Living in a new state brings us without care, however, the main negative impact that will emerge from our participation in the current conflict is that it will be up to us and the workers involved to paying the consecuences of the confrontation between the state instituted and the nascent state, as will happen, for example, to the twenty Greek anarchists arrested for occupying the embassy of Spain in solidarity “with Catalunya”.
What worries me, and it is precisely at this point that what I said before about the need to “look up”, is that the contribution to the current confrontations is giving wings to the “boom of nationalisms”, as it happens in all clashes between nationalisms, and it augurs a confrontation between workers both within Catalonia and between workers in Catalonia and elsewhere. Not to mention the corresponding “extreme right-wing” boom that has already been observed in a disturbing way in different parts of Spain. It is not that we have to give up fighting in order not to provoke the rise of the extreme right, of course, but what we should not do is fight in a scenario defined in nationalist codes because that does guarantee that boom.
At the moment, the respective actions of a Puigdemont that yesterday left in limbo the proclamation of the new State, and of a Rajoy that today sets in motion, without formalizing it, the suspension of the Catalan autonomy, reveal the concern not to harm the interests of large corporations, companies or financial institutions, and points out the limits that the two governments faced are not willing to transgress. That is being translated by an undercut of tension, by the staging of a spectacle of poses and deceptions, adorned with blank shots. So far the only blood that has already been spilled, and which should be avoided, is that of “the people below” who allowed themselves to be dragged into an orchestrated party and arbitrated by the political class according to their interests. Let us fight, yes, but not in battlefields where our enemies call us to side with them.
Statement by the anarchist Rouvikonas collective about todays occupation of the Spanish embassy in Athens, Greece; Against the repression of the Spanish state – Solidarity with the oppressed in Catalonia.
The occupied Spanish embassy in Athens, Greece earlier today.
Originally published by Athens Indymedia. Translated by Black Cat.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
Statement by Rouvikonas About the Occupation of the Spanish Embassy in Athens
Against the repression of the Spanish state – Solidarity with the oppressed in Catalonia
Nationalism is one of the most serious, contagious and deadly diseases that plague society. It’s always born via the clash of the interests of dominant social classes either in the form of imperialist struggle in the case of national war or as a result of national repression, where a local hegemonic class uses it as a vehicle to ‘liberate’ it’s own herd. Next, nationalism would camouflage every social injustice or class discrepancy, creating the basis for the subsequent slaughter among the slaves in the name of their current or future masters. This is the causality of nationalism and billions of graves, massacres, desolation and indescribable human misery found in history prove just that.
This is what’s happening in Catalonia. Since there’s capitalism, the domestic bourgeoisie and the domestic political elite of a rich (in comparison to the others) region of a ‘civilized western state’ wants its own herd. Against that, the national bourgeoisie and the state elite of the former Spanish empire, a state which still maintains the myth around the glory of the empire, sees the danger and reacts violently: violence, repression, prohibitions…
We could say: ‘why should we care?’ If the bourgeois and the states want war and if the oppressed fall for that once again, would it suffice if we just condemned nationalism and called for a unity among the oppressed?
It would not suffice for anyone who wants to change the world and not just babble for the need to change it. As the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists from the CNT write, state independence won’t guarantee the self-determination of the Catalan workers. But the barbarian attack against them constitutes an unquestionable violation of every idea of self-determination. It constitutes a regression to the tried and appalling way of national repression, a wound for the workers and the poor and one more reason for resistance. We must not forget that national oppression might become an instrument for the domestic dominant class that wants to roll its dice, but it’s not the bourgeois who sooner or later end up at the hospital or the morgue. It’s the people, which will endure this oppression in all of its extent.
That is what happened in Catalonia. The empty words of democracy once again proved to be unsubstantiated. As soon as the cold sweat from the loss of profit and power covers the dominant class, what follows is batons and weapons. As it always has been and it always will be for as long as states exist. How ridiculous is the argument of constitutional legality, cited by the Spanish government in order to repress those who do not want to be ruled by its constitution? How ridiculous are referendums and democratic processes which supposedly express the will of the people?
It’s important to consider the following. Apart from the Catalans, the Basque also assert their independence. They have chosen the path of armed conflict against the Spanish state for decades now. How revealing is the fact that both the Catalans and the Basques, who have chosen two entirely different ways to fight for the same demand, ended up being treated with the same kind of violence, the same brutality.
Conclusion
As anarchists we fight for the complete and absolute self-determination of people: what we call self-management. The ability of the social majority to share the produced wealth and control directly and without any mediators the political decisions that concern society in its entirety. We won’t get there through the creation of states. But this conclusion will never become an instrument that allows a state, a dominant power, to clash the will of the people. What happened in Catalonia was a brutal attack of submission and humiliation of a social majority.
We do not know whether this will continue. We are not aware whether the Catalan bourgeoisie and the political elite plan to turn this into a negotiation to gain extra privileges in Spain. We don’t know if the popular imagination that evolved from the attacks will impose further developments. We look at the Spanish state with worry as it attempts to transfer the breach on the social basis through the use of civil war terminology calling for pro-unity mass nationalist rallies. We cannot ignore that this Spanish state is the descendant of the fascist Frankoist Spain, since in both Spain and in Greece, democracy has never really cleansed itself from the elements of the junta.
In any case the responsibility for past and possible future violence falls on the state. We trust that the revolutionary Spanish movement will handle the crisis and distinguish and use any progressive characteristics it can be identify within the Catalan movement. We won’t point the finger of any ideological purity at the Catalans nor the Basques nor the Kurdish, nor any people who still fight despite all the violence, even if their proclaimed goals are hiding lethal dangers.
We stand by the oppressed in Catalonia, Basque Country, Spain.
Note: Enough is Presence Counta is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
“We do not only participate in insurrections led by anarchists but also in all the other insurrections that have the characteristics of the people in revolt, even if for some reason it is our future enemies, the Stalinists, that are leading them….
The revolutionary struggle is like a stormy sea against which to struggle would be vain folly, it is necessary to adapt ourselves to the direction of the waves, to swim sometimes strongly and sometimes lightly, to grasp the impetus of life which the sea hides within it to reach the desired goal.” – Alfredo M. Bonanno, “Why Insurrection”
The hour is 12:00am on a warm and windless Florida night, as I pace the room and chew on toothpicks. 4,636 miles away in Catalonia an uneasy calm hangs in the balance. Catalonia, rather than declare independence, has asked Spain to give it to her. Spain, ever prideful, calls this “blackmail“ and “will not allow it.” The fight is far from over and now we wait, a spaceship with an unknown trajectory hurtling towards a future as yet undecided; swirling tendrils of quantum possibility slowly solidifying into manifested reality even as I type these words. Is nobody else kept up by standing hairs as the spirits whisper of chaos and madness?No, perhaps it’s just me…perhaps the only way to truly understand the potential of Catalonia is with a Wizard’s eye.
History Doesn’t Repeat Itself But It Does Tend to Rhyme
The Occultist views time very differently from your average meat-popsicle, and tends to drift to an alien, perhaps even cosmic, view on the nearby effects of distant actions. Take the time I’d lit a candle to soothe red-hot tensions between my wife and her mother, swaying and chanting as I felt “something” literally crawl down the air and hit the fire like an atom bomb.
“Dear GOD!” I shouted, falling over and shaking with sweat, unsure how but knowing on a cellular level the spell had already worked. The candle was barely lit, I had planned two more rounds of prayers, but none of that seemed to matter; out there in the distance of the future, a place right next-door if it wasn’t for my three-dimensional limitations, I could feel the success leak back to me.
A few moments later things begin to crack. Viscous words, slammed doors. Had I been wrong? After an hour of war they sit down and talk, the earlier screams forcing long ignored issues to the surface. Discussion, agreement, peace. The spell had worked far beyond my expectations.
I knew it would I just didn’t know the how. I keep my eye on the big picture and let reality design the details. Catalonia yearning for a boss in Barcelona is a finger pointing at the bigger picture.
A common mistake observers have made is believing Catalonia has been seeking independence only recently, that autonomy is nothing more than a shiny new prize for the drooling bourgeois in Barcelona. While there is no doubt independence offers lucrative financial opportunities Catalonia has been hungry for self-rule since 1640, when the region first revolted against Spain and placed itself under the protection of Louis XIII of France. Since then Catalonia has long desired to be under its own command and militantly rebelled. This historic trend will continue regardless of how the events in Spain play out.
Let us be clear however: this is by no means a leftist or Anarchist revolution. Whileanarchist unionstook a leading role in theGeneral Strike on Oct 3rdand the Catalan parliament seems intent on passing progressive laws, this is far from a radical movement. Catalonia desires a republic, a dog-and-pony show where the local wealthy can fully call the shots without an honest-to-god King butting in. If anything this is a move to a more comfortable status quo: people will be free from the police of Madrid so long as they swear to obey the ones in Barcelona.
Even if Catalan elections were swept by the ghost of Marx no elected power could challenge the Masters of the Eurozone. Have we forgotten the horrible horsewhippingthat was Syriza?
“In a nationwide referendum just last Sunday, nearly 62 per cent of voters rejected an austerity deal that had been offered by the European Commission, International Monetary Fund and European Central Bank.
There were scenes of wild jubilation across the country…
Fast forward just a few days, however, and Alexis Tsipras, the prime minister, did the unthinkable…They will now have to accept a package that is even harsher than the one that was rejected in the referendum, to the tune of about €4 billion…
‘I feel like a slave. They do what they want, and we can’t participate.’”
Nothing Says “Democracy” Quite Like Riot Cops
SPAIN
Pic 1: Spanish Police in 1976~Franco’s Dictatorship
So the “freedom” of Catalonia is out. What then? Is there anything here Anarchists can support or decry?
The massive police response to the vote for independence should be duly noted and filtered into propaganda without delay: Spanish cops beat more than 900 prospective voters for daring to voice an opinion. Does this not prove that the edicts of the government are more important to the dogs in uniform than the will of the people? Is there anything quite as vile as declaring an opinion “illegal” while invoking “the Law” to dropkick women and children?
This is the Spanish state police in action. How much has changed since Franco’s time?pic.twitter.com/BU7cZaRUeY
When I see cops beating workers I don’t need to wonder which side I’m on; like an armadillo and a six-lane highway any cop and I are keenly opposed to one another. The entire policing institution is the most brutal expression of state-enforced dehumanization.Everything about it reeks of slavery.Again this is what States do regardless of size or shape; if the Catalan Republic decides it’s interests are at stake there is no question they’d do the same. The borders of nationhood are merely a fence for the human cattlewho exist at the whim of capital and the politicians that represent them.
What of the EU, the enlightened and rational government that everyone insists must not be dissolved? Have they stopped the violence? Do they support the “popular will” or vision of the actual human beings the Spanish state claims to represent? If there were any lingering questions to how thoroughly un-democratic the EU actually is just remember they are siding with a monarch who fails to see the irony in calling the independence vote“a mockery of democracy.”
Not to mention that the same “union” that can’t imagine instituting the death penalty never batted an eyewhen Pablo Casado, the head of Spain’s ruling partysaid “We hope that tomorrow nothing will be declared, because perhaps the one who declares it will end up like the one who declared it 83 years ago.”
Confused? Let me make it clear: Casado was referring to Lluis Companys, who proclaimed a short-lived Catalan state in 1934. He was arrested, kept in solitary confinement, tortured, and beaten while senior figures of the Spanish State routinely visited his cell to insult and mock him. Six years later, refusing a blindfold and bravely facing his executioners, he was mowed down by a firing squad.
But what does that matter? After all the Lisbon treaty makes it clear that the EU will respect the “right” of members to carry out “essential state functions” which include “ensuring the territorial integrity of the state.”
“The EU is just a centralized version of the same violent mafia that have been running all the various nation-states of Europe for hundreds of years,”writes The Acorn. “It is not condemning the Spanish state because all the states that it represents reserve the right to behave in exactly the same, violent, way, wherever their authority is challenged.”
“The EU reacted as if no such abuse had ever happened at all, and the world had not seen it. The institution has in fact been overrun by the right wing cronyism of the neo-liberal political class, and no longer serves the principles for which it ostensibly stands. It is become simply an instrument of elite power against the people.”
Hmm, that last bit came through a bit unclear. You mean to tell me the economic project of a bunch of wealthy Europeans has become “an instrument of elite power against the people?” SWEET GODS MAN, ALERT THE PRESS! What a strange and unnerving twist in human history! Gahhh, if only we had known! If only there had been grotesque and horrible lessons that had cost millions of lives that we could point to, things so dark and terrible that people might question the VERY IDEA that small groups of people could have all the right answers; oh we lost and foolish children of the future, if only we’d KNOWN, if only we’d been WARNED that no matter how kind the master HE WILL ALWAYS OWN YOU!
No…must be all the alchohol making me cynical. Surely the next time around we’ll elect the incorruptible in a universe marked by entropy. Surely!
Independence Is the Infection And We Are The Disease
Image: March, 1921, Spanish Prime Minister Eduardo Dato was gunned down by three Catalan anarchists, the second Spanish Prime Minister to be slain by anarchists within a decade. Pictured above is Dato’s car, riddled with bullet holes. Source: http://health-is-in-you.tumblr.com/Catalonia’s potential independence is not revolutionary in and of itself. What it does have is revolutionary implications.The independence of Catalonia, if it gets it, will have psychographical ramifications. Spain is the dusty and riddled corpse of Empire, a place who once claimed to rule the world, and has existed in its current cartographic form since the completion of the Reconquista in 1492. While Spain has lost everything, every colony, every claim to its imperial past it still has those borders, is still the country Hernán Cortés killed for. Statehood for Catalonia will be the final nail in the coffin; in one fell swoop that Spain will cease to exist. This is the literal unmaking of the world, and sages would be wise to note the omenry in the falling of Spain as they did Austro-Hungary almost 100 years ago.From this new reality every other separatist will be emboldened. If the Catalans have the right why not the Basques, or for that matter the Black Belt in the Southern US? Are the current borders of Spain no less imaginary than those of France, England, or the US? Are they not held up to be just as sacred as the King of Spain himself? Lawyers will argue precedents, politicians will cite examples, and ne’er-do-wells everywhere will begin to ask “if they can do it, why can’t we?” This is a mental door that once opened won’t be easily shut, and the governments of the world know it.
(Source: Public Domain)
So what will the Spanish state do? There is a religious myth that’s been handed down to people that power tends to dissolve rather than crystallize, that left to its own devices Those Who Rule will eventually acquiesce to popular opinion.This of course is a lie.The governments of the world understand, on a reptilian level, that signs of weakness lead to greater hunger and bravery in the enemy. The smell of blood naturally excites the senses. Why ask for an eight-hour day when you can get four? $10 an hour when you can get $12? No need to negotiate if it looks like you’re going to win.
To stave this off the Spanish state will have no other option but to increase hostilities against Catalonia, to beat and maim the people until they break. Each violent outburst will only fuel outrage, causing protesters to be emboldened, causing more violence and again, and again, and again, until finally somebody gets killed.
And when they do Europe will be very, very happy they bar the citizenry from owning firearms. But that alone won’t save them.
If the EU continues to ignore the problem they will look bad. If they side with Spain they will reveal their authoritarian leanings. If they side with Catalonia every nation in the EU will view it as an outrage and betrayal. This is why Anarchists must stand with Catalonia.
The “right” to Statehood and legitimacy of an independence vote are nothing to us. We instead must stand with Catalonia because it is a weapon against all we seek to destroy, a complicated and intricate bomb dropped at the vampiric tomb of European imperialism; it is a trap, filled with shit-covered rusty hooks, that will bleed and damage the organs and skin of the European Capitalist project no matter where it grasps it; it is an occult altar where enough chaos and strife might summon alternative systems to wage war against the mighty.
This isn’t some theoretical bullshit. The obscene police presence in Catalonia means comrades are free elsewhere to do as they wish. One would be wise to seize the opportunity. Every act of brutality committed by the Spanish state is another opportunity to fan the flames of vengeance and inspire the exploited to rise in righteous fury.
Catalan independence is not revolutionary, but like an alien creature bursting from its host’s chest it can be the womb for something far more dangerous.
The crisis is Catalonia is but one in a long list of potential pitfalls faced by global Capitalism, and almost always precipitate change. Lacking the organization for revolutionaries to create such dangerous events for the world powers we must latch on to them wherever they arise; if we cannot boil the water we should always stir the pot. Spontaneous or cyclical, every rebellion should be seized and pushed further into full-blown insurrection capable of destroying the State and Capital.
Uncertainty favors the Anarchist, instability is our friend. Call out to the gods of your choice and seek ye the eye of the hurricane.
Yesterday Rojava, today Catalan, tomorrow where ever the dice may land, The Creator of Plots will forever unleash a Pandora’s box of powers to upset the established order. Some of them, surprise surprise, won’t be Anarchist in nature. Rather than arguing over how we feel about that far better to begin conspiring about what we can get away with….
Dr. Bones, October 2017.
Dr. Bones is a Hoodoo-slingin’ Florida native and Egoist-Communist spitting pure vitriol and sorcerous wisdom at a world gone mad. He lives with his loving wife, a herd of cats, and a house full of spirits.
On Sunday 350.000 Spanish nationalists and fascists marched in Barcelona. Fascists showed fascists salutes, attacked people and showed the ugly face of the francoist part of Spanish society.
Image: Spanish nationalists and fascists marched in Barcelona on Sunday.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
About two and a half hours before the demo of Spanish nationalists and fascists started, we saw the first small groups with Spanish national flags in the El Carmel district.
We took a subway to Plaza de Catalunya and couldn’t believe our eyes and ears; big groups celebrating the Spanish state, the paramilitary Guardia Civil and the Spanish Policia Nacional.
Image: Spanish nationalists and fascists in the subway station at Plaza de Catalunya on Sunday.
We didn’t know that at that moment but it was just a preface of things to come. At that moment it looked like a strange mix between Spanish nationalists, fascists and people that consider themselves as part of the so-called “silent majority”.
When we came out of the subway station on Plaza de Catalunya we saw a sea of Spanish flags, but we also saw the first organized neo-fascists. This was about 90 minutes before the official demo started.
Image: A sea of flags around Plaza de Catalunya about 90 minutes before the start of the Fascist demo on Sunday.
We decided to check out the route of the demo. In front of Policia Nacional headquarters people were applauding the Spanish cops to thank them for the violent and Fascist police action against people who wanted to vote on October 1. The so-called “silent majority” was applauding, the neo-fascists were applauding, the francoist fascists were applauding. Together they chanted: “Viva la Guardia Civil! Viva Policia Nacional!” Many people raised there arm for fascist salutes and we didn’t see anybody of the so-called “silent majority” that interfered.
Image: One of the many fascist salutes in front of Policia Nacional headquarters.
That was the point that this demo is a fascist demo. Just like the Pegida demos in Dresden, Germany are fascist demos. Even when parts of mainstream media and parts of the political class like to call these people “concerned citizens” (Dresden) or in this case “silent majority”, these kind of demos have a fascist agenda and people who support this agenda should be called fascists.
After we left Policia Nacional headquarters we walked into a scene where fascists were threatening and offended Catalan cops (Mossos, also not our friends). We documented this scene (We will release a video in the coming days), but had to leave after some organized fascists spotted us.
We had lunch and witnessed an attack by fascists against a taxi driver. Another group that passed by greeted the attackers with fascist salutes. At 04:00pm fascists attacked 3 Moroccan men at Portal Nou (Image below).
Image: Fascists attacking 3 Moroccan men at Portal Nou on Sunday.
As anarchists we are not in favor of any state. But after the police violence on October 1 and yesterday’s fascist horror show, it should be clear that the Spanish state already lost the hearts and minds of most people in Catalonia and even beyond
An other aspect is that the fascist Spanish state could be significantly weakened when Catalonia breaks away and we think that might open new fields for anarchist interventions. This doesn’t mean that people should support the independence movement, that’s a decision people have to take themselves. To be honest, personally we wouldn’t. But it means we could all support anarchists in Catalonia to intensify the emancipatory and social struggle after a possible declaration of independence. At the moment we also should be aware that anarchists in Catalonia could be attacked and could face repression by both states. The new one and/or the old one.
In solidarity, some of the Enough is Enough Team, October 9, 2017.
Image: Antifa gathering at the UAB University in Barcelona earlier today. Anti-fascist comrades explained which organizations were behind yesterdays fascist demo in Barcelona.
Note: Presence Counts is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.
On October 1, during a referendum on Catalan independence, Spanish police attacked crowds of voters, smashed out the windows of schools hosting polling stations, and beat senior citizens at random. In response, a massive general strike took place in Barcelona on October 3. By setting up this opposition between the violence of the Spanish police and the self-organization of Catalan voters, proponents of independence have created the impression that nationalism and democracy offer a solution to state oppression and police violence. In the process, they’ve invested Catalan police and politicians with renewed legitimacy. Yet what if democracy, nationalism, and police violence are not opposing phenomena, but three aspects of the same thing? Here, we argue that the way to achieve self-determination is not to create a new state, but to abolish the state as a model for human relations.
Don’t take our word for it, though. Let’s back up and see if there’s any coherent way to resolve this conflict over state sovereignty besides the anarchist approach.
The ones who put out the fires.
Which Side Is Democratic?
Both sides claim to be fighting for democracy. The Spanish police present themselves as the defenders of law and order, while the proponents of Catalan independence say they seek self-determination through elections. These are two different visions of what democracy entails.
Or are they? Let’s look closer.
If democracy simply means being assaulted by police in the name of constitutions ratified before you were born, there isn’t much to distinguish it from dictatorship. The fact that the salaries of the officers who beat you are paid with tax money they extort from you just adds insult to injury. The Spanish state needs to legitimize those laws, police, and taxes with democratic elections or else it will be obvious to everyone that their rule rests on force alone. This explains some of the innuendo about how the majority of Catalan people don’t actually want independence.
But the partisans of Catalan independence face a version of this same paradox. What weight will their referendum carry if the result is not implemented via laws, police, and taxes? In calling for an independent Catalan state, they are calling to replicate everything they currently object to in Spanish rule. Catalunya already has its own police and tax collectors who treat those who resist them just as violently as the Spanish police treated aspiring voters on Sunday.
So it’s not a question of which side is democratic. They both are. The question, rather, is which elections, laws, and police should hold sway—the Spanish ones or the Catalan ones? To answer that question, we have to confront a deeper problem, the question of sovereignty.
The defenders of democracy.
What Makes Elections Legitimate?
Was the referendum on October 1 legitimate? The Catalan government asserts that it was. Meanwhile, Spanish President Rajoy maintains that “a self-determination referendum in Catalonia didn’t happen,” in the longstanding tradition of politicians like Donald Trump who proclaim reality by fiat.
What does it take to make a referendum legitimate? Is it a question of what proportion of the population participates? Or is the important thing whether the vote adheres to an established protocol?
According to the Catalan government, 90 percent of the ballots cast on Sunday were for independence. On the other hand, only 42 percent of registered voters participated in the referendum—2.2 million people out of 5.3 million registered voters. That still seems like a pretty good turnout, considering that 12,000 Spanish police were violently attacking voters all over Catalunya, inflicting nearly 900 documented injuries and surely a great deal more that went unreported. But it still accounts for less than half of the registered voters and considerably less than half the population.
Opponents of Catalan independence boycotted the election. Even if they hadn’t boycotted it, most of them probably wouldn’t have risked being beaten by Spanish police in order to vote for those police to continue to wield authority. It’s entirely possible that the majority of the residents of Catalunya don’t want independence, regardless of the results of the referendum.
For reference, no Presidential election in US history has ever included more than 43% of the total population. Countless people have boycotted US elections, but this has never discouraged those who rule from Washington, DC from assuming that they hold rightful authority. If we decide the Catalan referendum wasn’t representative enough, we should probably reject the legitimacy of every US Presidential election as well.
Others argue that what makes an election legitimate is not what proportion of the population participates, but whether it takes place according to proper protocol. This argument is most popular with the extreme center, the sort of people who are sticklers for the rules regardless of what the rules are or who wrote them. Before we buy into this argument, let’s recall that it was protocol that kept women and people of color from participating in elections for the first century and a half of US democracy, just as the current rules still serve to prevent many people of color from voting today. Adherence to protocol does not guarantee inclusion or egalitarianism.
But the real problem with relying on protocol is that it returns us to the problem of sovereignty. If two different governments establish two different sets of rules, how do we determine which is legitimate? Every existing government came to power by rejecting the authority of its predecessor. We can’t simply do whatever the authorities tell us; we have to make our own decisions about what is right.
Catalan demonstrators—and Catalan police.
The Problem of Sovereignty—Democracy, Nationalism, and War
What should determine which polity people belong to? Nations generally make this determination according to place of birth or parentage. The former approach perpetuates the feudal system; the latter makes nationality a kind of caste system. Neither of these models is “democratic” in the sense of guaranteeing everyone equal rights and participation in society. They also don’t offer any guidance as to what we should do when competing polities demand our fealty, as will occur in Catalunya if this conflict intensifies.
Should the answer to this question be determined by majority rule? There are many problems with this approach. For example, it doesn’t address the question of scale. Partisans of independence may comprise the majority of the population of Barcelona—does that mean they should be able to force their agenda on the minority that opposes it? Catalans comprise a minority within the Spanish state—does that mean Spain should be able to force them to remain Spanish subjects? Spain comprises a minority within the European Union, which itself is a minority within the United Nations. Should world politics simply be a matter of ever bigger majorities forcing decisions on minorities?
Nationalism has developed as a response to this quandary. Understanding the question of sovereignty as a competition to amass majorities at all costs, people form blocs on the basis of superficial similarities such as ethnicity, language, religion, and citizenship. These blocs contend for control within each state and in conflicts between states. This struggle takes place nonviolently as democracy and violently as war—wherever you find democracy, war is never far away.
There are two grievous problems with this approach. First, it exacerbates internal hierarchies; second, it imposes conformity and the struggle to dominate others as the dual basis of all relations. In practice, nationalism means being oppressed and exploited by people of your own ethnicity, language, religion, or citizenship. To defend ourselves against those who aim to rule us, we have to join forces across the boundaries of identity, forming common cause on the basis of shared aspirations for freedom and peaceful coexistence. Nationalists promise to deliver self-determination on the basis of shared identities, but true self-determination demands symbiotic relationships that transcend identity.
The principle of majority rule itself is the problem. On the one hand, the theory of majority rule suggests that we are obligated to accept whatever the majority desires, prescribing a complete abdication of ethical responsibility. On the other hand, the practice of majority rule tacitly implements the principle that might makes right, reducing all relations to cutthroat competition.
Because majority rule is the foundation of democracy, we should not be surprised when democracy serves to legitimize and mobilize the violence of the state, provoking rival states to do the same thing in response. This is the dual risk posed by the independence movement in Catalunya: it could establish a new state just as oppressive as the previous one, but more difficult to question on account of appearing more representative—and it could trigger open hostilities between entrenched state actors who become incapable of imagining each other as anything other than enemies. The latter scenario appears very unlikely for now, but we are not the only ones to speculate that as economic and ecological crises intensify, the Syrian civil war will become a more common template for the politics of the future than the social democracies of the 20th century.
Beware the tides of nationalism.
Anarchist Alternatives
Anarchists have long sought a way out of the traps of nationalism and democracy.
In place of citizenship, a holdover of feudalism and the caste system, we propose voluntary associations that do not claim exclusive control of populations or regions. In place of nationalism, we propose mutual aid across all lines of identity. In place of the state, we propose true self-determination on a decentralized basis. In place of democracy, the principle of majority rule, we propose the principles of horizontality and autonomy. In place of the wars that nationalism and democracy always foment, we propose solidarity and transformative justice.
What could this mean in Catalunya today, where partisans of Spanish sovereignty clash with partisans of Catalan independence? Our answer is utopian, but it offers a point of departure to imagine what we could aim to accomplish in our social movements besides setting up new state structures.
Let Spain be a voluntary association comprised of everyone in every land who identifies with it, and let Catalunya be another such voluntary association among a thousand more. Let all of these associations coexist on the condition that none seeks to rule the others or deprive them of resources. Let each association set out to create commons rather than to amass private wealth, and let all join forces to defend themselves whenever anything threatens these commons or the liberty of the participants.
In this vision, each person could participate in as many different associations as she saw fit. Each association would function as an experiment in collective creativity, shaped alternately by consensus-based decision-making and by the spontaneous interplay of the participants’ self-directed activities. In place of the cutthroat competition of capitalism and statecraft, each of these associations would strive to offer the most fulfilling model for cooperative human relations. A process of natural selection would reward the most generous and nourishing projects rather than the most selfish and brutal, without reducing them to a lowest common denominator or imposing competition as a winner-take-all zero-sum game.
This vision predates the anarchist movement; it has antecedents in a variety of indigenous societies and federations. It is already the model by which anarchists in Barcelona and elsewhere around the world organize themselves in networks of assemblies, social centers, organizations, and affinity groups. Even if we can’t implement this vision on the scale of a region or a continent yet, we can act according to its logic, building networks of mutual aid and standing up to tyranny wherever we encounter it.
From this vantage point, we can see that when police attack people attempting to utilize voting booths, anarchists should intercede—not to defend the voting booths, but to protect people from police. We should make it clear that winning referendums will not bring us closer to the world of our dreams—the important thing is to develop the capacity to create the relations we desire on an immediate basis, in a way that can spread rhizomatically throughout society.
At the same time, we have to make clear everything that the Catalan police have in common with the Spanish police and other police the whole world over. We’ve seen the Catalan police attack demonstrations over and over just as the Spanish police did on Sunday. If they provoke less outrage when they attack migrants, workers, and anarchists than when they attack voters, that only shows us how far we have to go.
Presence Counts · 15o · OccupyLjubljana 
