Archive for ‘civil society’

maj 15, 2014

International Blockupy coalition Press release “Europe: not only elections, but actions for solidarity and democracy from below!”

day of action

Before the election of the European Parliament social movement activists, altermondialists, migrants, precarious and industry workers, party members and unionists and many more people call for European days of action from 15th to 25th with the slogan “solidarity beyond borders – building democracy from below”.
Activities in dozens of cities in nine different European countries have been announced already.

+ Europeanwide days of action from 15th to 25th of May

+ International press conference at blockades of “Business Europe” Summit – Brussels, May 15th, 10 am, Petit Sablon

“The EU-crisis regime is dismantling democracy and social rights by authoritarian austerity measures and the transatlantic free trade agreement TTIP. The international Blockupy coalition resists these policies during the week of action with actions of civil disobedience. We struggle in solidarity to take over the commons and to build democracy from below.”, states Hanno Bruchmann of the International Blockupy coalition.

On the 15th of may the International Blockupy coalition will take part in the blockade of the “Business Europe summit” as kick-off for ten days of action. As umbrella organization of single national business federations, this is the biggest continental lobbying group which permanently tries to influence and condition European institutions to continue hard neoliberal politics that force the people to pay the highest price of crisis.

All over Europe we will reaffirm the widespread social opposition to the austerity policies conducted by the Troika, and indicate which financial oligarchies are instigators of these policies.
The real alternatives to the present situation are: self-governance of commons, strengthening of social rights for a more equitable redistribution of wealth. Democracy in Europe can only be built from below by the direct initiative of millions women and men, against all authoritarian and excluding measures. In the may of solidarity we will therefore fight racism and fascism, nationalism and xenophobia fueled by right-wing politicians.

In this situation migrants and refugees are among the most affected by the crisis, also because EU border regime threatens their lives by detentions and deportations, while at the same time wealth is extracted from them by extreme exploitation.
During the May of Solidarity migrants and non migrants will struggle for their livelihood, for their rights, on the working places, against institutional racism that creates hierarchies and divisions as in the “March for Freedom” of the refugees.

Moreover, coordinated transnational actions in front of many Apple-stores will protest against unsustainable working conditions and the global chain of exploitation which links workers in Western Europe with Foxconn factories in Eastern Europe and China, which are the biggest suppliers of Apple.

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For further information see: mayofsolidarity website

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Selection of activities during the European week of action

Belgium:
15th May – Blockade the European Business Summit in Brussels, 8 am, Palais d’Egmont

Press point next to the blockade action:
international press conference 10:00 am at Petit Sablon

Alliance D19-20 website

Spain:
15th and 17th May – Assemblies on Puerta del Sol, Madrid

http://mayofsolidarity.org/where/spain/

Germany:
17th May, Berlin, Hamburg, Düsseldorf and Stuttgart – Blockupy-Demonstrations.
blockupy.org

France:
17th May, Paris – European day of action and alternatives, Demonstration starting 14h at Ópera.

http://www.collectif-lesengraineurs.com/

Italy:
17th May, Rome – National demo against austerity and privatisation, for public water, commons, social rights, democracy in Italy and Europe.
www.globalproject.info

18th May, Bologna – Rally against the re-opening of the deportation centre for migrants.

http://www.connessioniprecarie.org/2014/04/22/practicing-dissent-solidarity-beyond-borders-stop-the-re-opening-of-the-detention-center-in-bologna/

International:

Actions in front of Apple stores, in solidarity with the struggles of thousands of rural migrants and other young Chinese workers against the transnational exploitation chain that links the main global technology companies with Foxconn and other factories.

March for Freedom starting 17th May and concludes in a week of action in Brussels 20th – 28th June

http://freedomnotfrontex.noblogs.org/

PresenceCounts-15o-OccupyLjubljana

april 14, 2014

Izjava udeležencev in udeleženk transnacionalnega srečanja vstajnikov in vstajnic iz BiH in Slovenije (in drugod) »NI ŠE GOTOVO!«

SLIKA1

Transnacionalno srečanje NI ŠE GOTOVO!, ki se je ta vikend odvilo v Ljubljani, je uspešno zaključeno! Hvala vsem za udeležbo, vsebinske in druge prispevke! Uspelo nam je zgraditi odprti prostor vzajemne izmenjave, solidarnosti in boja, ki se mora v prihodnosti še razširiti in poglobiti. Spodaj objavljamo izjavo, ki je nastala na zadnji skupščini srečanja. Več o bodočih aktivnostih in drugih izplenih srečanja, prevod izjave v slovenščino in angleščino, lahko pričakujete v naslednjih dneh/tednih/mesecih.
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Izjava udeležencev in udeleženk transnacionalnega srečanja vstajnikov in vstajnic iz BiH in Slovenije (in drugod) »NI ŠE GOTOVO!«

Udeleženke in udeleženci srečanja »Ni še gotovo!«, ki je med 11. in 13. aprilom 2014 potekalo v Ljubljani, ugotavljamo da:

Obstoječe institucije reprezentativne politike ne zastopajo naših interesov. Protesti, plenumi in dtuge oblike alternativnega samoorganiziranja prebivalcev in prebivalk ter druge prakse neposredne demokracije, ki vznikajo tako v naši regiji kot širše v svetu, so posledice družbene nepravičnosti. Naše raznolike izkušnje in prakse investiramo v proces spreminjanja obstoječih odnosov moči, pri tem pa se naslanjamo na načela solidarnosti, horizontalnosti, neposrednih metod sprejemanja odločitev in samoorganizacije ter na načeli delovanja od spodaj navzgor ter od lokalnega k transnacionalnemu. Druži nas stališče, da so plenumi, protesti ter druge oblike samoniklih in avtonomnih združevanj, ki upoštevajo načeli vključevanja in enakosti, učinkovita orodja, s katerimi lahko skozi dolgotrajen proces dosežemo trajne družbene spremembe.

Vsako delovanje, ki se zoperstavlja obstoječemu redu, se neizogibno sooča z represijo in napadi s strani sistema. Neposredno nasilje represivnega aparata nad protestniki je zgolj ena od oblik nasilja institucij oblasti nad človekovimi pravicami. Oblast nas dodatno izsiljuje s potiskanjem v medsebojne delitve na dobre in slabe, kar ustvarja lažno sliko realnosti, ki ni nikoli črno-bela. Procesi kriminalizacije individualizirajo krivdo za dejanja, ki izhajajo iz kolektivnega upiranja obstoječemu sistemu in ki so legitimni izrazi nezadovoljstva. Proti tem procesom se borimo z absolutno zavrnitvijo individualizacije in solidarnostjo, saj se zavedamo, da se lahko vsakdo izmed nas kaj hitro znajde na mestu tistih, ki so osebno izpostavljeni tako naposredni represiji kot sodnim postopkom, ki so v sami osnovi politični. Poskusi kriminalizacije protestnikov in protestnic ter nekaterih manjšinjskih družbenih skupin, ki so tarča kriminalizacije v vsakdanjem življenju, vedno kažejo na globlje družbene probleme. Boj proti kriminalizaciji razumemo kot ključni sestavni del vsakega političnega, še posebej neizogibno pa tistega delovanja, ki teži v vzpostavljanju novih oblik skupnega.

Upoštevaje različne ravni, na katerih delujejo meje, skupaj mislimo Evropo kot prostor povezovanja, enotnosti izven in onkraj obstoječih ekonomskih in nacionalnih okvirjev ter teritorij materializiranja novih oblik skupnega. Sodimo, da obstoječa, hierarhična struktura Evropske unije, ki je podrejena interesom kapitala, nima nikakršnega posluha za nove kategorije subjektivitet, ki na raznolike načine vznikajo skozi prav takšne družbene prakse. Splošno nezadovoljstvo in potiskanje vse večjega dela prebivalstva na margino sproža prakse upiranja, v katerih se razvijajo nove emancipatorne oblike samoorganizacije; te delujejo proti centralizaciji družbene moči, ki jo vsiljuje obstoječi red. Zavračamo sleherne poskuse uvrščanja socialnih nemirov v kategorijo t. i. mednacionalnih napetosti in se zavzemamo za povezovanje vseh lokalnih delovanj – naše srečanje, na katerem smo izmenjali obstoječe izkušnje in jih tako naredili za skupne ter odprli prostor za prihodnje sodelovanje, je eden od korakov našega povezovalnega procesa.

Ni še gotovo, mi smo šele začeli!
Socialni center Rog, Ljubljana
13. 4. 2014

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Izjava učesnica i učesnika skupa “Nije još gotovo!”

Mi, učesnice i učesnici skupa Nije još gotovo!, održanog u Ljubljani, od 11.4. do13.4.2014. zajednički poručujemo da:

Postojeće institucije reprezentativne politike ne zastupaju naše interese. Protesti, plenumi i drugi oblici alternativnog građanskog samorganizovanja , te druge prakse direktne demokratije , koji se rađaju u regionu i šire, posljedica su socijalne nepravde. Kroz raznolikost naših iskustava i praksi mijenjamo postojeće odnose moći, vođeni slijedećim principima: solidarnost, horizontalnost, direktne metode donošenja odluka, samoorganizacija, princip djelovanja odozdo prema gore, od lokalnog prema transnacionalnom. Složni smo u stavu da su plenumi i protesti, kao i drugi oblici samoniklih i autonomnih udruživanja, koji počivaju na principima uključivanja i jednakosti, efikasan alat kojim se kroz dugotrajan proces dolazi do neminovnih društvenih promjena.

Sve što je suprostavljeno postojećem poretku izaziva represiju i napade od strane sistema. Pored direktnog nasilja represivnog aparata na čijem su udaru demonstranti, od strane institucija moći nameće se i nasilje nad ljudskim pravima. Ucjenjuje nas se na podjele, na dobre i loše , što daje lažnu sliku stvarnosti koja nikada nije crno-bijela. Kriminalizacijom se nastoji individualizirati krivnja u čijem korijenu leži opravdano nezadovoljstvo i kolektivni bunt protiv postojećeg sistema. Protiv toga se borimo deindividualizacijom i solidarnošću jer se svi možemo naći na mjestu onih izloženih direktnoj represiji i sudskim postupcima, a svaki takav je u osvojoj osnovi – politički. Pokušaji kriminalizacije demonstanata, aktivista, kao i manjinskih grupa koje su mete kriminalizacije u svakodnevnom životu, uvijek ukazuju na dublje društvene probleme. Borbu protiv kriminalizacije smatramo ključnim dijelom svakog političkog djelovanja, a neizostavno onog koji teži uspostavljanju novih oblika zajedništva.

Na raznim nivoima granica, zajednički promišljamo Evropu kao prostor povezivanja, ujedinjenosti izvan i iza postojećih ekonomskih i nacionalnih okvira, te kao teritorij za materijaliziranje novih oblika zajedništva. Smatramo da je postojeća evropska zajednica hijerarhijska struktura određena interesima kapitala čija je slijepa mrlja uspostavljanje novih kategorija subjektiviteta koja se na razne načine već odvija u praksi. Nezadovoljstvo i potiskivanje sve većih dijelova stanovništva na marginu uzrokuje prakse otpora koje razvijaju nove emancipatorne oblike samorganizacije i decentraliziraju postojeći poredak. Odbijamo pokušaje svrstavanja socijalnih nemira u međunacionalne tenzije. Zbog toga se zalažemo za povezivanje svih lokalnih procesa. Jedan korak ka tome je i skup na kojem smo zajedno objedinili postojeća iskustva i otvorili prostor buduće saradnje.

Nije još gotovo. Mi smo tek počeli!

Socijalni centar Rog, Ljubljana, 13.4.2014.

 

PrisotnostŠteje-15o-OccupyLjubljana

april 11, 2014

NI ŠE GOTOVO! // NIJE JOŠ GOTOVO! // IT’S NOT OVER YET!

NiSeGotovo

NI ŠE GOTOVO! – TRANSNACIONALNO SREČANJE VSTAJNIKOV IN VSTAJNIC IZ BiH, SLOVENIJE (IN OD DRUGOD)

11. – 13. APRIL 2014
SOCIALNI CENTER ROG, TRUBARJEVA 72, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA

Bosna in Hercegovina se je pred kratkim pridružila vse daljšemu seznamu držav, ki so izkusile val splošnega ljudskega besa zaradi že dolgo nevzdržnih pogojev življenja za vse večji del družbe. Podobno kot prej v Grčiji, Turčiji ali Sloveniji je tisto, kar se je v Tuzli začelo kot še en protest v “tranziciji” okradenih in opeharjenih delavcev, bliskovito preraslo v splošno zavračanje vladajoče politične elite in njenih politik na ulicah številnih mest širom države. Hkrati z uličnimi protesti in zasedbami sedežev lokalnih oblasti ter drugimi izrazi ogorčenja so ljudje v številnih mestih vzpostavili plenume kot prostore direktno demokratične razprave in odločanja. Sredi razvejanega in mnogoterega družbenega vrenja so bili eden od najlepših in najbolj navdihujočih momentov nedvomno pričevanja o tem, da je bil nacionalizem končno na ulicah in plenumih po vsej Bosni in Hercegovini zavrnjen, kot še eno orodje elite za deljenje ljudi in njihovo neomejeno izkoriščanje. Vstaja v Bosni je odplaknila vodstva nekaterih kantonalnih oblasti, predvsem pa je s svojim eksplicitno antinacionalističnim in samoorganiziranim nabojem poslala jasno sporočilo vladajoči eliti: ne boste nas več nekaznovano ropali in delili – stvari ne bodo več takšne, kot so bile. Sredi opustošenja tranzicijske Bosne in Hercegovine je vstajniško vrenje odprlo možnost nove in drugačne prihodnosti, v kateri ljudje in njihove potrebe ne bi bili lahek plen kapitalističnih mogotcev in trgovcev z ideologijo.

Vstaja v Bosni in Hercegovini je v Sloveniji številne v marsičem spomnila na burne dogodke pozimi 2012-13, katerih del smo bili tudi sami, ter na ostale podobne primere drugod po svetu: Španija, Grčija, Bolgarija, Turčija, Brazilija, če naj omenimo zgolj nekatere. Vstajniški momenti povsod izhajajo iz istih stremljenj, iz iste izpostavljenosti režimu opustošenja, iz iste prepuščenosti življenj večine upraviteljem kapitala in države. Prav nič presenetljivo torej ni, da vstaje, svojim specifikam navkljub, prinašajo precej skupnih oziroma podobnih izkušenj, porajajo podobne upe in dileme, vznikajo pa tudi podobna razočaranja in šibkosti. V vstajniških situacijah se vsepovsod porajajo enaka vprašanja: Kako misliti spontane množične proteste? Kako misliti odnos med ulico, plenumi in ostalimi praksami, ki vzniknejo v času vstaj? Kako se zoperstaviti roki represije? Kako vstaje ohranjati kot odprt in vključujoč prostor? Kako graditi politiko mimo in onkraj političnih strank, nevladni organizacij in ostalih orodij ohranjanja obstoječega stanja?

Z namenom gradnje skupnega prostora refleksije in delovanja onkraj državnih meja vabimo na transnacionalno srečanje vstajnikov in vstajnic iz BiH in Slovenije (in drugod). Ustvariti želimo prostor neposredne komunikacije med vstajniki in vstajnicami iz Slovenije in BiH in ga uporabiti za vzajemno refleksijo in izmenjavo izkušenj o vstajniških procesih v obeh državah, vključno z izmenjavo praktičnih znanj, praks, idej kot tudi analiz, stremljenj in razočaranj. Želimo si, da bi se na njem srečali tisti, ki smo v vstaje vstopili iz potrebe po razvijanju samonikle politike in ki se tudi v bolj mirnih časih ne nameravamo odreči delovanju mimo in izven političnih strank ali nevladnega sektorja. Hkrati želimo vzpostaviti oziroma utrditi aktivne kontakte med BiH in Slovenijo ter preko tega poglobiti povezovanje onkraj nacionalnih držav. Predvsem pa se želimo v neposredni komunikaciji učiti drug od drugega ter iznajti načine medsebojne podpore v naših prihodnjih bojih.

Srečanje bo trajalo tri dni in bo potekalo na način plenumov in tematskih delavnic. Predlagamo tri osnovne delavnice:
Na delavnici o plenumih kot orodju antiavtoritarne samoorganizacije bomo delili izkušnje o plenumskem delovanju, tako o težavah kot o pozitivnih momentih, pa tudi o tehničnih vidikih njihovega izvajanja, vse s ciljem iskanja načinov za krepitev plenuma kot orodja antiavtoritarne samoorganizacije.
Na delavnici o kriminalizaciji upora in življenja bomo delili skupno izkušnjo policijskega nasilja, ki mu sledijo sodni postopki in ostale oblike kriminalizacije, v katerih so ljudje še dolgo po zatonu protestov soočeni s postopki, pogosto pa tudi z drakonskimi kaznimi. Pogovarjali se bomo o tem, kako držati skupaj s tistimi, ki so najbolj zadeti od kriminalizacije, kako nuditi konkretno podporo in ne pustiti, da to razkroji solidarnost in zmožnost za prihodnje politično delovanje.
Na delavnici o transnacionalnem povezovanju vstaj bomo razmišljali o širšem evropskem kontekstu vstaj in se na podlagi izkušenj od drugod, skušali razmišljati o tem, kaj početi oziroma kako delovati po vstajah in kako se povezovati na transnacionalni ravni.

Srečanje bo potekalo med 11. in 13. aprilom 2014 v Ljubljani v prostorih Socialnega centra Rog. Za hrano in prenočišče bo preskrbljeno, v okviru skromnih možnosti se bo poskušalo zbrati tudi nekaj denarja za vsaj delno povrnitev potnih stroškov za vstajnike iz vstajnice iz BiH. Srečanje bo delovno, a tudi večere bomo nedvomno znali izkoristiti na bolj sproščene in sproščujoče načine. 

Vsi in vse, ki bi se želeli udeležiti srečanja, pišite na soc.center.rog@gmail.com za dodatne informacije.

Proti kapitalističnemu in nacionalističnemu opustošenju gradimo solidarnost in upor!

Antikapitalistični blok 
20. marec 2014

Sprintaj plakat in ga nalepi v svojem lokalnem socialnem prostoru:
http:// www.a-federacija.org/2014/ 03/20/ni-se-gotovo/ plakat_nisegotovo_srecanjeb ih-slo/

PROGRAM

Prvi dan, petek, 11. april

  • 19h: Otvoritvena skupščina
    Namen skupščine je predstavitev udeležencev in njihovih pričakovanj, ki jih imajo glede srečanja. Poseben prostor bo namenjen predstavitvi vstajniške izkušnje iz BiH (povzetek dogajanja, aktualno stanje, osnovna analiza).
  • 21h: Večerja in druženje

Drugi dan, sobota, 12. april

  • 9h: Zajtrk
  • 10h – 20h: Delavnice, kosilo
    Koordinatorji delavnic naj poskrbijo za njihove povzetke, ki bodo na koncu služili za oblikovanje skupne izjave. 
  • Prva delavnica, 10h – 12h: »Plenumi kot direktnodemokratično orodje organiziranja« 
    Na prvi delavnici se bomo pogovarjali o plenumih kot direktnodemokratičnem orodju organiziranja znotraj vstaj in širše. Pri tem se bomo spraševali, kako naj bodo uporabljeni v konfliktnih situacijah, kako naj zagotovimo njihovo inkluzivnost in hkrati zavrnemo vse izključevalne artikulacije, kako naj formo plenuma prenesemo v odločevalske strukture vsakdana, prav tako pa bomo analizirali uspehe in pomanjkljivosti tovrstnega organiziranja.
  • Kosilo
  • Druga delavnica, 14h – 16h: »Kontravstajniške sile kriminalizacije« 
    Druga delavnica bo namenjena vprašanju, kaj vse je delovalo »proti« moči vstaj. Pri tem ne bomo govorili le o specifičnih primerih kriminalizacije, ampak bomo vsebino razširili na razmislek o kriminalizaciji upora na splošno. Govorili bomo tudi o zaprtosti upiranja v nacionalne okvirje in o vlogi delovanja različnih družbenih akterjev (policije in drugih vej oblasti, medijev, strank, nevladnega sektorja, vstajniških skupin samih itn.), ki je jemalo moč vstajam.
  • Tretja delavnica, 18h – 20h: »Nova evropska konstitucija«
    Če se bomo na prvi in drugi delavnici ukvarjali z orodji organiziranja in procesi kriminalizacije, pa bo tretja delavnica namenjena vprašanju, kaj in kako po vstajah. Izkušnje iz bosanskih, slovenskih in vstaj drugod kažejo, da vstajništvo vedno nosi močan trenutek destitucije, na nas pa je, da ga nadgradimo v prostor konstitucije. Horizont, ki si ga pri tem postavljamo, je transnacionalen. Tako se bomo na delavnici pogovarjali o možnostih za procese nadaljnjega skupnega grajenja aktivističnih mrež, ki skozi boj oblikujejo našo Evropo.
  • 21h: Večerno druženje

Tretji dan, nedelja, 13. april

  • 11h – 14h: Zaključna skupščina
    Namen skupščine je povzeti diskusije prejšnjega dne in skozi oblikovanje kratkega skupnega dokumenta začrtati prihodnje delovanje.
  • 15h: Kosilo

Povezave:

Facebook dogodek:

https://www.facebook.com/events/727832880580306/

Plakat:

http:// www.a-federacija.org/2014/ 03/20/ni-se-gotovo/ plakat_nisegotovo_srecanjeb ih-slo/


NIJE JOŠ GOTOVO! – TRANSNACIONALNI SUSRET DEMONSTRANATA I DEMONSTRANTKINJA IZ BIH, SLOVENIJE (I DRUGIH ZEMALJA)

11. – 13. APRIL 2014
SOCIJALNI CENTAR ROG, TRUBARJEVA 72, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA

Bosna i Hercegovina se odnedavno dodala na duži spisak zemalja koje su iskusile val generalnog ljudskog bjesa zbog već dugo nepodnošljivih životnih uvjeta za sve veći dio društva. Slično kao i u Grčkoj, Turskoj ili Sloveniji je ono, što je u Tuzli počelo kao još jedan protest u „tranziciji“ pokradenih i prevaranih radnika, munjevito preraslo u generalno odbijanje vladajuće politične elite i njene politike na ulicama brojnih gradova širom države.Istovremeno sa uličnim prosvjedima i zauzimanjem sjedišta lokalnih vlasti te ostalim izrazima ogorčenosti, ljudi su u brojnim gradovima uspostavili plenume kao prostore direktno demokratskih rasprava i odlučivanja. Usred razgranatog i viševrstnog društvenog vrenja su bili jedan od najljepših i najinspirativnijih momenata oni, u kojima je bio nacionalizam na ulicama i plenumima po cjeloj Bosni i Hercegovini konačno odbijen kao još jedno oruđe elite za dijeljenje ljudi i njihovo neograničeno iskorištavanje.

Ustanak u Bosni doveo je do smjenjivanja nekih od vodstava kantonalnih vlasti ali ono, štaj je najvažnije je, da je svojim eksplicitno antinacionalističkim i samoorganizovanim nabojem poslana je jasna poruka vladajučoj eliti: nećete nas više nekažnjeno pljaćkati i djeliti – stvari neće više biti takve, kao što su bile! Usred opustošenja tranzicijske Bosne i Hercegovine ustanak je otvorio mogućnost nove i drugačije budućnosti, u kojoj ljudi i njihove potrebe nisu lak plijen kapitalističkih divova i trgovaca ideologijom.

Ustanak u Bosni i Hercegovini je mnoge u Sloveniji podsjetio na burne događaje na prelazu iz 2012. u 2013. godinu, čiji dio smo i sami bili. Može se povući i paralela sa sličnim događajima u svijetu, kao što su primjeri: Španjolske, Grčke, Bugarske, Turske i Brazila. Momenti ustanka svugdje izviru iz istih težnji, iz iste izloženosti režimu opustošenja, iz iste zavisnosti života većine od upravitelja kapitalom i države. Baš ništa ne iznenađuje, da ustanci, uprkos svojim specifičnostima, sa sobom nose mnogo istih ili sličnih iskustava, iste ili slične nade i dileme. Susrećemo se i sa sličnim razočarenjima i slabostima. 
U situacijama ustanka svugdje se otvaraju ista pitanja: Kako promišljati spontane masovne proteste? Kako promišljati odnos između ulice, plenuma i ostalih praksi koje se otvaraju u vremenu ustanka? Kako se usprotiviti ruci represije? Kako sačuvati ustanak kao otvoren prostor? Kako graditi politiku pored i preko političkih stranaka, nevladnih organizacija i ostalih oruđa koji čuvaju postojeće stanje?

Sa namjerom, da gradimo zajednički prostor refleksije i djelovanja iznad državnih granica, pozivamo na transnacionalni susret demonstranata i demonstrantkinja iz BiH, Slovenije i drugih zemalja. Ostvariti želimo prostor neposredne komunikacije među nama, koji ćemo upotrijebiti za refleksiju i razmjenu iskustva procesa ustanaka uključujući i razmjenu praktičnih znanja, praksi, ideja, analiza, težnji i razočarenja. Želimo, da bi se sreli oni, koji smo na ulice došli zaradi potrebe po razvijanju samonikle politike, i oni, koji se i u mirnim vremenima ne namjeravamo odreći djelovanju mimo i izvan političkih stranaka ili nevladnog sektora. Zapravo želimo povezati aktivne kontakte između BiH i Slovenije te preko toga produbiti povezivanje iznad nacionalnih država. Želimo u neposrednoj komunikaciji učiti jedni od drugih i naći načine međusobne podrške u našim budućim borbama.

Susret će trajati tri dana i održaće se u formi plenuma i tematskih radionica. Predložene teme radionaca sa kratkim opisima: 
Na radionici o plenumu kao oruđu antiautoritativne samoorganizacije podijelićemo iskustva o plenumskom djelovanju, o problemima kao i o pozitivnim momentima, ali i o tehničkim vidicima njihovog izvođenja. Krajnji cilj je definisanje načina za jačanje plenuma kao oruđa antiautoritarne samoorganizacije. 
Na radionici o kriminalizaciji pobune i života podijelićemo skupna iskustva policijskog nasilja, kojim slijede sudski postupci i ostali oblici kriminalizacije zbog kojih su ljudi i dugo poslje prosvjeda suočeni sa sudskim postupcima. Optužbe i izrečene kazne su nerijetko previsoke. Govorit ćemo o tome, kako pružiti podršku onima, na koje se najviše odnosi kriminalizacija, te kako pojačati solidarnost i vještine za buduće političko djelovanje. 
Na radionici o transnacionalnom povezivanju ustanaka razmišljaćemo o širem evropskom kontekstu ustanaka i na osnovu iskustava razmišljati šta raditi, odnosno kako djelovati i kako se povezivati na transnacionalnom nivou.

Susret će se održati od 11. do 13. aprila 2014 u Ljubljani u prostorima Socialnog centra Rog. Hrana i smještaj biće obezbjeđeni u okviru skromnih mogućnosti. Susret će biti radni, a večernje sate iskoristit’ ćemo na opušteniji i društven način.

Svi i sve, koji bi željeli prisustvovati, za dodatne informacije pišite na soc.center.rog@gmail.com.

Protiv kapitalizma i nacionalizma gradimo solidarnost i otpor!

Antikapitalistički blok 
20. mart 2014

PROGRAM

Prvi dan, petak, 11. april

  • 19h: Uvodna skupština
    Skupština je namenjena upoznavanju učesnica i učesnika i deljenju njihovih očekivanja od susreta. Poseban prostor je namenjen prezentaciji ustaničkog iskustva iz BiH (presek događanja, aktuelno stanje, osnovna analiza).
  • 21h: Večera i druženje

Drugi dan, subota, 12. april

  • 9h: Doručak
  • 10h – 20h: Radionice, ručak
    Koordinatori/ke radionica se pobrinu za njihove sažetke koji će na kraju služiti za oblikovanje zajedničke izjave. 
  • Prva radionica, 10h – 12h: »Plenumi kot direktnodemokratično oruđe organizovanja«.
    Na prvoj radionici razgovaramo o plenumima kao o direktnodemokratskom oruđu organizovanja unutar ustanaka i šire. Pri tome pokušavamo odgovoriti na pitanja: kako plenume upotrebiti u konfliktnim situacijama, kako obezbediti inkluzivnost i ujedno odbiti sve isključujuće artikulacije, kako formu plenuma preneti u svakodnevne strukture odlučivanja; ujedno ćemo analizirati uspehe i minuse takve organizacije.
  • Ručak
  • Druga radionica, 14h – 16h: »Kontraustaničke sile kriminalizacije«.
    Druga radionica je namenjena pitanju šta je sve delovalo »protiv« ustanaka. Pri tome nećemo govoriti samo o specifičnim primerima kriminalizacije, već ćemo debatu raširiti na promišljanje o kriminalizaciji otpora uopće, govoriti ćemo o zatvorenosti u nacionalne okvire i o silama odnosno različitim društvenim subjektima koji su se suprotstavljali potencijalu ustanaka (policija, mediji, država, stranke, NGO, same ustajničke grupe).
  • Treća radionica, 18h – 20h: »Nova evropska konstitucija«.
    Ako se na prvoj i drugoj radionici bavimo oruđima organiziranja i procesima kriminalizacije, onda treću radionicu posvjećujemo pitanju šta i kako posle ustanaka. Iskustva sa bosanskih, slovenačkih i mnogih drugih ustanaka nam govore da ustaništvo uvek sadrži jak trenutak destitucije, a na nama je da ga nadgradimo u prostor konstitucije, postavljajući (si) pri tom transnacionalni horizont. Na radionici ćemo zato razgovarati o mogućnostima za procese daljeg zajedničkog građenja aktivističnih mreža koje kroz boj oblikuju našu Evropu.

  • 21h: Večernje druženje

 

Treći dan, nedelja, 13. april

  • 11h – 14h: Zaključna skupština 
    Cilj skupštine je rezimirati diskusije od prethodnog dana i kroz oblikovanje kratkog zajedničkog dokumenta zacrtati buduće delovanje/aktivnosti.
  • 15h: Ručak

IT’S NOT OVER YET! – TRANSNATIONAL MEETING OF THE UPRISING FROM BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, SLOVENIA (AND BEYOND)

11th – 13th APRIL 2014
SOCIAL CENTER ROG, TRUBARJEVA 72, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIA

Recently, the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina put their country on a dense map of those states that have – due to the lasting of unbearable conditions of living for a big part of society – experienced a wave of generalized peoples’ indignation. As in Greece, Turkey or Slovenia, what started as another protest of Tuzla workers who have been expropriated in the times of transition, spread like a wildfire to the streets of numerous cities across the state and has very soon been transformed into generalized rejection of ruling political elites and their policies. At the same time that indignant people took action on the streets and occupied buildings of local governments, plenums as spaces of democratic discussion and decision-making were established in numerous cities. Some of the most beautiful and inspiring moments that we have witnessed in the midst of rhizomatic and multiple boiling of society were those of people on the streets and plenums all over the country finally rejecting another means of elite, used for separating and exploiting people – nationalism. The Bosnian uprisings washed away some government officials and local (cantonal) governments. But foremost, by the usage of explicitly antinationalist and self-organized discourse and political action they sent a very clear message to the ruling elite: the times of you stealing from us and separating us without being punished are over – from now on, the things will never be the same again. The process of devastation of transitional Bosnia and Herzegovina has been interrupted: the uprisings opened up possibilities for a new and different future, a future in which people and their needs will no longer be an easy target of capitalist magnates and ideologists.

The uprisings in Bosnia and Herzegovina reminded many of us in Slovenia on the jacqueries during the winter of 2012/2013 that we were present at: at least as much as it reminded us on the other similar cases across the world – Spain, Greece, Bulgaria, Turkey, Brasilia, just to mention a few. The moments of uprisings are always and without regard to geography inspired by the same desires, by the same exposure to the regimes of devastation, by the same control over lives of majority that is in the hands of capital and state managers. Thus, it comes as no surprise that despite their specifities the uprisings bring about many common experiences, hopes and dilemmas, but also disappointments and weaknesses. In the times of uprisings the same questions open up everywhere: How can we understand spontaneous mass protests? What about a relationship between street actions, plenums and other practices of the uprising? How can we fight against the repression? What can we do to maintain the uprisings in their openness and inclusivity? How can we build our politics against and beyond political parties, non-governmental organizations and other tools of conserving the status quo?

We organize and invite you to take part on a transnational meeting of the uprising from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Slovenia (and beyond) in order to build a common space of reflection and action beyond the borders of nation states. We want to create a space of direct communication between the uprising from Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and use it for mutual reflexion and exchange of experiences that we have gained during the uprisings, including the exchange of practical knowledge and ideas, but also analysis, desires and disappointments. We want this space to be a space of convergence of all of us who have been going to the uprisings in order to address our need of developing autonomous politics and that in more peaceful times will not give away acting against and beyond political parties and non-governmental sector. At the same time our wish is to build and strengthen active contacts between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Slovenia and with that deepen the process of connecting beyond nation states. But most of all we want to learn from each other and develop ways of mutual support in our forthcoming struggles.

The meeting will last for three days and will take a form of plenums and thematic workshops. We suggest making three basic workshops:
The focus of the first workshop could be plenums as self-organizing and anti-authoritative tool. The discussion would be build around our experiences that we have gained with our active engagement on plenums; it would address the problems and positive moments, but also technical aspects of their execution. The goal of this workshop would be finding ways of empowerment of plenum as a tool of anti-authoritative self-organizing.
The focus of a second workshop could be criminalization of struggles and lives. On this workshop we would share our common experience of police violence, followed by court procedures and other forms of criminalization that effect peoples’ lives long after the protests are finished, often including draconic fines. We would also talk about the ways to concretely support the ones that have been criminalized most severely and how not to let solidarity among us fall into decay and freeze our future political action.
The third workshop we suggest would be on transnational networking of the uprisings and broader European context. Based on the knowledge and experiences we have from elsewhere we would like to discuss about the future transnational perspectives and networking.

The meeting will be held between 11th and 13th April 2014 in Social centre Rog in Ljubljana. Food and sleeping capacities will be provided; prior and throughout the meeting we will collect money for reimbursing as many of travel costs for the uprising from Bosnia and Herzegovina as possible.

It will be a working meeting but we are positive that the evenings will be smartly used for relaxation and regaining our energy.

Everyone interested in the meeting should write an email to soc.center.rog@gmail.com in order to receive detailed information.

Solidarity and struggle against capitalistic and nationalistic devastation!

Anti-capitalist block
March 20th, 2014

PROGRAM

Day one, Friday, 11th April

  • 19h: Opening session 
    The participants to the meeting will introduce themselves; they are encouraged to present their expectations towards the meeting. There will be a short presentation of the uprising experiences from Bosnia and Herzegovina (summary of happenings, current situation, primary analysis).
  • 21h: Dinner and socializing

Day two, Saturday, 12th April

  • 9h: Breakfast
  • 10h – 20h: Workshop, lunch 
    Workshop coordinators should take care of short summaries for each workshop that will serve us for writing a final common statement. 
  • Workshop nr. 1, 10h – 12h: »Plenums as a direct democratic tool of organizing« 
    The first workshop will be dedicated to plenums as a direct democratic tool of organizing, both within uprisings and in general. We will be asking ourselves in what ways should this tool be used in situations of conflict; how can we insure its inclusiveness and refuse all excluding articulations at the same time; how to transfer the plenum form into everyday decision making structures; and, we will also analyze successes and disadvantages of such kind of organizing.
  • Lunch
  • Workshop nr. 2, 14h – 16h: »Counterinsurgent Forces of Criminalisation« 
    The second workshop will be focused on the question of what worked against the power of uprisings. We will discuss more than specific cases of criminalisation since we wish to broaden the content by stressing the criminalisation of resistance in general. We will also speak about closing the resistance into national frameworks and about the role of different
    social actors (police and other authorities, media, parties, NGO sector, uprising initiatives etc.) that were weakening the power of uprisings.
  • Workshop nr. 3, 18h – 20h: »New European Constitution« 
    In contrast with the first and the second workshop, that will address the topics of organizational tools and criminalization, the third workshop will be based on the question of what and how to act after the heat of the uprisings has passed. The experiences we have gained during uprisings in Bosnia, Slovenia and elsewhere show us that those are always moments of strong destituency – our task now is to create the moments of constituency. Our horizon for doing so is transnational. The focus of the third workshop will thus be the continuation of the processes of common construction of militant networks through which we will create our Europe.

  • 21h: Socializing

 

Day three, Sunday, 13th April

  • 11h – 14h: Final session 
    We will summarize the discussions of previous two days and write a short common statement that will serve us as a basis for future networking.
  • 15h: Lunch

 

Prisotnostšteje-15o-OccupyLjubljana

PresenceCounts-15o-OccupyLjubljana

februar 9, 2014

bosnaprotest2

The situation in BiH is changing rapidly. Numerous cantonal governments have already resigned and we can expect further protests in the coming days. The authorities in BiH have already begun a concerted campaign of disinformation about the causes of these protests and their aims. In an effort to support the struggle of the workers and students in BiH, I am publishing here the English translations of the demands issued by representatives of the people of Tuzla, Sarajevo and Bihac, ably translated by my colleagues Konstantin Kilibarda (Tuzla) and Marina Antić (Sarajevo, Bihac). The original texts can be viewed herehere and here.

Please share these demands widely, copy, paste and disseminate them as you see fit. Change is coming to BiH and we can help be a part of it.

Tuzla

DECLARATION 7 February 2014. Today in Tuzla a new future is being created! The [local] government has submitted its resignation, which means that the first demand of the protestors has been met and that the conditions for solving existing problems have been attained. Accumulated anger and rage are the causes of aggressive behaviour. The attitude of the authorities has created the conditions for anger and rage to escalate.

Now, in this new situation, we wish to direct the anger and rage into the building of a productive and useful system of government. We call on all citizens to support the realization of the following goals:

(1) Maintaining public order and peace in cooperation with citizens, the police and civil protection, in order to avoid any criminalization, politicization, and any manipulation of the protests.

(2) The establishment of a technical government, composed of expert, non-political, uncompromised members. [They should be people] who have held no position at any level of government and would lead the Canton of Tuzla until the 2014 elections. This government should be required to submit weekly plans and reports about its work and to fulfill its proclaimed goals. The work of the government will be followed by all interested citizens.

(3) Resolving, through an expedited procedure, all questions relating to the privatization of the following firms: Dita, Polihem, Poliolhem, Gumara, and Konjuh. The [government] should:

§  Recognize the seniority and secure health insurance of the workers.

§  Process instances of economic crimes and all those involved in it.

§  Confiscate illegally obtained property.

§  Annul the privatization agreements [for these firms].

§  Prepare a revision of the privatization.

§  Return the factories to the workers and put everything under the control of the public government in order to protect the public interest, and to start production in those factories where it is possible.

(4) Equalizing the pay of government representatives with the pay of workers in the public and private sector.

(5) Eliminating additional payments to government representatives, in addition to their income, as a result of their participation in commissions, committees and other bodies, as well as other irrational and unjustified forms of compensation beyond those that all employees have a right to.

(6) Eliminating salaries for ministers and eventually other state employees following the termination of their mandates.

This declaration is put forward by the workers and citizens of the Tuzla Canton, for the good of all of us.

Sarajevo

With regards to yesterday’s protests across Bosnia and Herzegovina and the media’s attempt to discredit this justified rebellion, this informal group of citizens and protest participants repeats our demands to the government.

IN THE NAME OF CITIZENS ON THE STREETS OF SARAJEVO

We declare:

We, the people who went out onto the streets of Sarajevo yesterday, also regret the injuries and damage to properties, but our regret also extends to the factories, public spaces, cultural and scientific institutions, and human lives, all of which were destroyed as a direct result of actions by those (ALL THOSE) in power for, now, over 20 years. We ask our fellow citizens and fellow sufferers not to allow these unpleasant scenes to cloud the fact that this kind of government and those in power have costs us immeasurably more.

We, thus, demand:

–        Unconditional and immediate resignations of both the Sarajevo Canton and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina governments; and the formation of non-party governments.

–        No measures, of any kind, to be undertaken that would limit peaceful citizen protests.

–        The immediate release of demonstrators, no criminal case filings against them, and an end to the witch hunt of people.

When these demands are met, we can then ask for the start of conversations and actions at all levels of government in order to establish a more socially just order for all social strata; and for all those whose human dignity and material basic needs have been endangered or destroyed by the transitional theft, corruption, nepotism, privatization of public resources, an economic model that favors the rich, and financial arrangements that have destroyed any hope for a society based on social justice and welfare.

To establish such a social justice order, before we undertake any social measures are, we demand an immediate end to the larceny of this society cloaked in politics, and criminal prosecution of those responsible. Only when all of that is complete, can we begin to build something new for all of us.

Bihac

Protesters have sent their list of 13 demands to the Parliament of the Una-Sana Canton:

  1. Resignation and replacement of the Una-Sana Canton (USC) government and all directors of public institutions and public enterprises.
  2. Appointment of the new government of USC and the new directors, without influence of politics in choice of prime ministers and ministers (professional governance – with public release of biographies and the reasons for their appointment).
  3. Matching salaries in the public sector to the industrial sector, so that the highest public sector salary cannot be higher than three average salaries in the industrial sector.
  4. Matching salaries in the public sector to the educational/professional level.
  5. Public release of documents for tenders in the last 10 years and in the future.
  6. Matching levels of budget appropriations for agricultural production in the budgets at all levels of government to the European Union standards.
  7. Matching educational standards, at all levels, to the European Union standards.
  8. Matching the number of employees in the public sector to the European Union standards.
  9. Finalizing construction of the veterans’ building, at the latest by the elections of 2014.
  10. Ending all additional privileges for government officials.
  11. Ending additional financing of representatives and employees in the administrative institutions, on the basis of various commissions.
  12. Ending the salaries and other privileges of all politicians following the end of their term.
  13. Immediate end to the use of force by the police toward the protesters and vice versa.

Prevod: Jasmin Mujanović

PresenceCounts-15o-OccupyLjubljana

november 22, 2013

Blockupy Frankfurt a/M: 22nd to 24th of November: European Action Conference

action-conference-2013-624x200

In a statement the Blockupy network wrote about this years (May 31 and June 1) action in Frankfurt: “During Blockupy 2013 we experienced intense and powerful days of collective action and common resistance. On Friday, more than 3000 activists blockaded the entrance to the European Central Bank, making good on our announcement to carry our resistance deep into the heart of the European crisis regime.

(..)

We came together in a great camp that was more than simply a place to sleep: for activists from Germany and Italy, from Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Spain, from Greece and Austria and many other countries it was a place for encounters and exchanges as well for planning actions.

The police’s assault on our international demonstration – with more than 20.000 activists – on Saturday was obviously intended to erase our successes from the previous days, and to split the coalition that had achieved them. Those responsible for the attack – especially the interior minister of the state of Hessia, Frankfurt’s senator for law and order, both from Angela Merkel’s conservative party – could not bear an international demonstration walking right past the ECB. In the run-up to the march, they tried to prohibit the march taking that route, but the courts cashiered their edict. In response, they simply went ahead and ignored the court’s ruling, thus highlighting just how little their talk of democracy and rule of law is worth. The danger that the spotless façade of the ECB might be tainted by a few splashes of paint was apparently reason enough to suspend freedom of assembly, and injure – sometimes seriously – more than 300 people through punches and kicks, through tear gas and pepper spray.

The attack on our demonstration was meant to demoralise and split the movement. They really thought that they could just ‘kettle’ 1000 activists from the anticapitalist block at the head of the demonstration, and that the other blocks would simply continue walking on the route that the police had always intended for us. Obviously, they seriously underestimated the resolve of and solidarity among the coalition and among the activists. An attack on one part of the demonstration is an attack on all of us.

Nobody took them up on their absurd offer to leave behind those in the kettle. Thousands stayed until late in the evening and bravely confronted the police until the very end. It is this common experience of courage and solidarity in the face of police violence that forged even closer bonds amongst our coalition and within the movement.

Blockupy has achieved an important political victory. The attack on our demonstration has turned into a political disaster for the interior ministry and the representatives of the authoritarian politics of crisis ‘resolution’. We are determined to continue preparing further actions at the European Central Bank, this raw nerve of the European crisis regime, where protest is so obviously effective and thus clearly undesirable.”

Footage from Enough is Enough TV of Police violence at last years Blockupy demonstration at June 1 in mobilisation clip for demonstration against police violence 1 week later (June 8, 2013):

You can read an eyewitness account of the police brutality (including many videos and pictures) during this years edition of Blockupy here: Blockupy 2013: Police Brutality in #Frankfurt – An Eyewitness Account

One week after the police attacks there was a demonstration against police violence and state repression with 12.500 people who marched in Frankfurt again. They marched the same route as the Blockupy demo should have been allowed to one week before. This time the police did not attack the demo after they were heavily critised in the mainstream press for their brutality during Blockupy 2013.

In October 2013 German newspaper “Junge Welt” reported that the state prosecuter started a preliminary investigation against 943 people who where kettled on June 1, 2013. This after many people filed a criminal complaint against several policemen and against the interiour minister of the state of Hessen because of police violence and deprivation of liberty during the 10 hour kettle. The legal battle of Blockupy 2013 isn’t over yet but activists are focusing on next years actions in Europe’s finance capital. If the state wanted to intimidate protesters they didn’t succeed as the demostration against police brutality and state repression showed only one week after Blockupy 2013. Activists are determined to come back in 2014 with even more people. The preparations for Blockupy 2014 start with a conference and actions during the Europe Finance Week later this month (Call and programm below).

Footage from Enough is Enough TV  of the demonstration against police violence on June 8, 2013 in Frankfurt:

Call for Blockupy’s European Action Conference – 22nd to 24th of November 2013

Against the European austerity regime, against the rule of the EU-Troika, for the transnationalisation of our resistance, for real democracy!

On May 31st and June 1st, the European Central Bank was effectively blockaded by thousands of protesters against the politics of troika. The central commercial zone of Frankfurt was blocked and stores had to shut down, there were loud protests at the airport against deportation, financial and real estate firms were marked and the right to the city was claimed, a care mob called attention to the increased burden on women in the European crisis. Blockupy 2013 brought about intense and powerful days of collective action and resistance. Our many disobedient actions highlighted the ways in which the politics of crisis and impoverishment affect our lives and the lives of millions of people around the world.

Blockupy will return to Frankfurt in 2014 to resist the opening of the ECB’s new headquarters. Yet much remains open. We want to make plans together.

Blockupy 2013 has been one step on the path towards becoming part of a huge, common European and global movement. We want to continue down this path together with you. Therefore we invite you, our friends, colleagues and comrades from all over Europe and beyond, to the Blockupy European Action Conference from November 22nd to November 24th 2013 in Frankfurt.

The Blockupy European Action Conference will be the last of multiple European meetings of movements, networks and organizations this autumn – in Barcelona, Amsterdam, Brussels, Rome. All these meetings aim towards finding ways to transform Europe from below, towards further exchanging and debating practices and strategies and towards forming transnational movements.

During the Blockupy European Action Conference we hope to exchange our different experiences of protest and resistance towards creating a different Europe. One core of the Blockupy idea and practice since 2012 is to link alliance building with disobedient, confrontational actions aimed towards mass participation for scandalizing the violent austerity measures and politics of impoverishment. Now we want to create a space to discuss Blockupy and other struggles up to now, to talk about possibilities for the future, and to sketch out a more transnational Blockupy for 2014.

Our goal with the conference is twofold:

  • To engage in strategic debate about the commonalities and gaps in our struggles, and
  • To find out together how Blockupy in 2014 could be successful as a platform for transnational resistance against the troika and politics of crisis.

The questions we have

  • How do we best create powerful connections between our struggles? How can we push together for a dynamic shifting of forces?
  • How do we relate disobedient forms of action (mass blockades, social and general strikes, taking and squatting public spaces, preventing evictions and many more) to alliance-building?
  • How do we connect the struggles in the European south and north? What are the needs of different struggles throughout Europe in crisis? How do we relate these to the aims and imaginations for common resistance in countries like Germany, headquarter
    of the EU crisis regime, where recent elections have shown voters casting ballot to continue these capitalist politics?
  • What role can Blockupy 2014 play within European crisis and the protests against it?

actionconference

Blockupy Frankfurt a/M: 22nd to 24th of November: European Action Conference

action-conference-2013-624x200In a statement the Blockupy network wrote about this years (May 31 and June 1) action in Frankfurt: “During Blockupy 2013 we experienced intense and powerful days of collective action and common resistance. On Friday, more than 3000 activists blockaded the entrance to the European Central Bank, making good on our announcement to carry our resistance deep into the heart of the European crisis regime.

(..)

We came together in a great camp that was more than simply a place to sleep: for activists from Germany and Italy, from Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Spain, from Greece and Austria and many other countries it was a place for encounters and exchanges as well for planning actions.

blockupy5j

Blockupy 2013:  Police brutality in Frankfurt, Germany.

The police’s assault on our international demonstration – with more than 20.000 activists – on Saturday was obviously intended to erase our successes from the previous days, and to split the coalition that had achieved them. Those responsible for the attack – especially the interior minister of the state of Hessia, Frankfurt’s senator for law and order, both from Angela Merkel’s conservative party – could not bear an international demonstration walking right past the ECB. In the run-up to the march, they tried to prohibit the march taking that route, but the courts cashiered their edict. In response, they simply went ahead and ignored the court’s ruling, thus highlighting just how little their talk of democracy and rule of law is worth. The danger that the spotless façade of the ECB might be tainted by a few splashes of paint was apparently reason enough to suspend freedom of assembly, and injure – sometimes seriously – more than 300 people through punches and kicks, through tear gas and pepper spray.

The attack on our demonstration was meant to demoralise and split the movement. They really thought that they could just ‘kettle’ 1000 activists from the anticapitalist block at the head of the demonstration, and that the other blocks would simply continue walking on the route that the police had always intended for us. Obviously, they seriously underestimated the resolve of and solidarity among the coalition and among the activists. An attack on one part of the demonstration is an attack on all of us.

Nobody took them up on their absurd offer to leave behind those in the kettle. Thousands stayed until late in the evening and bravely confronted the police until the very end. It is this common experience of courage and solidarity in the face of police violence that forged even closer bonds amongst our coalition and within the movement.

Blockupy has achieved an important political victory. The attack on our demonstration has turned into a political disaster for the interior ministry and the representatives of the authoritarian politics of crisis ‘resolution’. We are determined to continue preparing further actions at the European Central Bank, this raw nerve of the European crisis regime, where protest is so obviously effective and thus clearly undesirable.”

Footage from Enough is Enough TV of Police violence at last years Blockupy demonstration at June 1 in mobilisation clip for demonstration against police violence 1 week later (June 8, 2013):

You can read an eyewitness account of the police brutality (including many videos and pictures) during this years edition of Blockupy here: Blockupy 2013: Police Brutality in #Frankfurt – An Eyewitness Account

One week after the police attacks there was a demonstration against police violence and state repression with 12.500 people who marched in Frankfurt again. They marched the same route as the Blockupy demo should have been allowed to one week before. This time the police did not attack the demo after they were heavily critised in the mainstream press for their brutality during Blockupy 2013.

In October 2013 German newspaper “Junge Welt” reported that the state prosecuter started a preliminary investigation against 943 people who where kettled on June 1, 2013. This after many people filed a criminal complaint against several policemen and against the interiour minister of the state of Hessen because of police violence and deprivation of liberty during the 10 hour kettle. The legal battle of Blockupy 2013 isn’t over yet but activists are focusing on next years actions in Europe’s finance capital. If the state wanted to intimidate protesters they didn’t succeed as the demostration against police brutality and state repression showed only one week after Blockupy 2013. Activists are determined to come back in 2014 with even more people. The preparations for Blockupy 2014 start with a conference and actions during the Europe Finance Week later this month (Call and programm below).

Footage from Enough is Enough TV  of the demonstration against police violence on June 8, 2013 in Frankfurt:

Call for Blockupy’s European Action Conference – 22nd to 24th of November 2013

Against the European austerity regime, against the rule of the EU-Troika, for the transnationalisation of our resistance, for real democracy!

On May 31st and June 1st, the European Central Bank was effectively blockaded by thousands of protesters against the politics of troika. The central commercial zone of Frankfurt was blocked and stores had to shut down, there were loud protests at the airport against deportation, financial and real estate firms were marked and the right to the city was claimed, a care mob called attention to the increased burden on women in the European crisis. Blockupy 2013 brought about intense and powerful days of collective action and resistance. Our many disobedient actions highlighted the ways in which the politics of crisis and impoverishment affect our lives and the lives of millions of people around the world.

Blockupy will return to Frankfurt in 2014 to resist the opening of the ECB’s new headquarters. Yet much remains open. We want to make plans together.

Blockupy 2013 has been one step on the path towards becoming part of a huge, common European and global movement. We want to continue down this path together with you. Therefore we invite you, our friends, colleagues and comrades from all over Europe and beyond, to the Blockupy European Action Conference from November 22nd to November 24th 2013 in Frankfurt.

The Blockupy European Action Conference will be the last of multiple European meetings of movements, networks and organizations this autumn – in Barcelona, Amsterdam, Brussels, Rome. All these meetings aim towards finding ways to transform Europe from below, towards further exchanging and debating practices and strategies and towards forming transnational movements.

During the Blockupy European Action Conference we hope to exchange our different experiences of protest and resistance towards creating a different Europe. One core of the Blockupy idea and practice since 2012 is to link alliance building with disobedient, confrontational actions aimed towards mass participation for scandalizing the violent austerity measures and politics of impoverishment. Now we want to create a space to discuss Blockupy and other struggles up to now, to talk about possibilities for the future, and to sketch out a more transnational Blockupy for 2014.

Our goal with the conference is twofold:

  • To engage in strategic debate about the commonalities and gaps in our struggles, and
  • To find out together how Blockupy in 2014 could be successful as a platform for transnational resistance against the troika and politics of crisis.

The questions we have

  • How do we best create powerful connections between our struggles? How can we push together for a dynamic shifting of forces?
  • How do we relate disobedient forms of action (mass blockades, social and general strikes, taking and squatting public spaces, preventing evictions and many more) to alliance-building?
  • How do we connect the struggles in the European south and north? What are the needs of different struggles throughout Europe in crisis? How do we relate these to the aims and imaginations for common resistance in countries like Germany, headquarter
    of the EU crisis regime, where recent elections have shown voters casting ballot to continue these capitalist politics?
  • What role can Blockupy 2014 play within European crisis and the protests against it?

actionconferenceActions on Friday

All guests are invited to join the protests against the Euro Finance Week (18.-22. November) already on Friday, November, 22th at 2 p.m. we will have a noisy manifestation in front of the Alte Oper. For more info see: http://notroika.org/

Afterwards we offer a city walk to some stakeholders of the crisis, including a visit of the site of the new EZB building.

Conference Program

Friday, Nov 22nd:

  • 2:00 p.m. Noisy Manifestation against Euro Finance Week, Alte Oper
  • Afterwards City Walk to the new ECB building site
  • 6:00 p.m. „You are leaving the democratic sector“, Public Opening Meeting, Studierendenhaus
  • 8:30 p.m. „Get together“ of conference participants

Saturday, Nov 23rd:

  • 9.30 a.m. 6:30 p.m. „Disobedient Resistance for Democracy without Capitalism“, Plenaries and Workshops about transnational counter-power
  • 7:30 p.m. 9:30 p.m. „How to create strong and European Blockupy actions in 2014“ Evening Plenary
  • Party
Sunday, Nov 24th:
  • 10:00 a.m. 2:00 p.m. Debates and decisions about dates, common structures and action concepts for 2014

Registration

In order to get a good overview of the approximate numbers of participants, we kindly ask you to register beforehand. We’ve set up a small Form for this. Please fill it out: here

Organsational Stuff

Everything from the Venue, to the accomodation, translation, food an so on can be found here

 

PresenceCounts-15o-OccupyLjubljana

februar 24, 2013

Against the criminalization, aestheticization and nationalization of Uprising!

NIHČE-NAS-NE-PREDSTAVLJA-EN

What has been most evident during the ferment of the uprising, defined by multiplicity, heterogeneity, and non-hierarchical structure, are the attempts of instrumentalizing, taking control of and directing the uprising, which are all interrelated. On the one hand, there have been several patronising appeals for “nonviolent protests”, for “peaceful and dignified demonstrations” and for a “cultivated uprising”. On the other hand, we are witnessing calls for an early unification of the uprisers’ demands, in some cases even for a formation of a party and an incursion into the parliament. Besides this the uprising is all too often reduced to the question of Slovenia and of the Slovenian nation and thus its emancipatory potential is numbed. These tendencies come from some intellectuals, cultural workers, artists, representatives of the civil society and the media, who consider themselves supporters of the uprising, yet they typically want to define it, direct it and channel its course. With such supporters, who have completely internalized the prohibition against any kind of real, radical, political resistance, we essentially need no opponents. There are at least three things that need to be clarified at this point.

Firstly, with each call for non-violence we should be aware that non-violence does not exist. Violence is the integral part of society’s antagonism. The state is founded on violence – systemic, structural, objective violence – which it needs to unify this variety, multiplicity, heterogeneity of voices, identities, relations into a homogenic, citizenly, national – constructed and thus imaginary! – community. Systemic, structural, objective violence is thus an attribute of the social conditions of global capitalism and manifests itself in the automatic violent creation of the excluded and dispensable individuals, from the homeless, the immigrants, the homosexuals, the minorities, the women, the physically and mentally disabled, the minors, the representatives of subcultures, the poor, the unemployed, the structurally unemployable or precarious workers. The dominant system supports the creation, preservation and reproduction of a global dominion, in which people are valued only as cheap labour force – i.e. commodities. It does that through a structural production and preservation of inequality, exploitation and control and is therefore maintained by violence.

Subjective violence, usually manifested in some kind of “outburst”, “excess”, “deviation” from the “normal state”, is merely a consequence of the state violence (systemic, structural, objective violence), which invisibly maintains this “normal” state (through ideological and repressive apparatuses). Actually, only subjective violence makes the state violence visible, exposes it in all its brutality. In both cases we are dealing with violence though, yet state violence is completely normalized and legalized, while any form of subjective violence or any more radical gesture of response is criminalized and brutally sanctioned.

This is exactly what we are witnessing during the process of the uprising where the uprisers (some even under age), who have been deprived of their future and dignity by the exploitative policy of “belt tightening”, end up in prison, are the subjected of criminal charges, tapping, are being followed and intimidated, while the criminals, the tycoons and speculators, as well as professional politicians suspected of criminal acts of corruption, nepotism and abuse of office are not merely at large, but are also in charge of high positions with which they buy their social reputation. This is why we have to understand that subjective and state violence are two variants of violence which differ in quality, the former aiming at a (radical) change of the existing state, and the latter at preserving the status quo. Dreams of a revolution without violence are dreams of a “revolution without revolution” (Robespierre). On the other hand, the role of state violence is exactly the opposite: violence, whose aim is to prevent real change – something spectacular should happen all the time so that nothing happens really (Žižek). Non-violence, which is supposed to be the empty ideal of the “democratic” civilization, therefore does not exist. Let us not forget this as we arise against excessive violence in its multiple forms. This means that each smashed window of the parliament, each thrown granite cube and each attempt of moving the police fence should make us wonder first and foremost about the reasons for these actions, instead of moralizing about vandalism. By criminalizing such actions a priori, the attention shifts away dangerously from the real problems: the aggressive disintegration of the common good, the total devastation of the welfare state and the insistent trampling on the values of solidarity. The fact that people in the streets are angry, enraged and furious is therefore not the cause, but exactly the consequence of completely misunderstanding the process of governance where all the forms of real political participation have failed completely.

Secondly, with each new call for a unification of the uprisers into a political party, it must be repeated time and time again that the most emphasized message of the uprisers is: “Nobody represents us!” This does not only represent a demand for the resignation of the whole political elite – both “right” and “left”! -, but it also means a radical problematization of the question of representation and a demand for new, truly inclusive forms of political participation. And it is not surprising that this is what neither the “right” nor the “left” want to hear. The appeals for the formation of a political party represent a banal attempt to use the uprising as an instrument in the direction of undermining the “right” and reducing the uprising potential to the promotion of the interests of the “left”, which is disrespectful to the uprising and its truly political potential. So long as there is an (apparent) battle between parliamentary “left” and “right”, the political elite feels strong and safe, so it opposes united and unconditionally the emancipatory potential of the uprising with its call for radical structural political changes beyond the “left” and the “right”. The uprising poses the question about the crisis of the dominant understanding of the concept of democracy as parliamentary, representative, delegational politics. “Democraticness” as the opposition of “totalitarianism” has become some kind of universal marker of a successful functioning of the state. The triumph of democracy is presented as the triumph of the system of (state, trans-state and parastate) institutions which materialize the sovereignty of the people, and as a practice of the political that ensures the political form of justice and the economic form of production of wealth. Yet this democracy is not conceived as the rule of the demos, that is the people, or exactly as an absence of any kind of governance. On the contrary, this democracy is understood as a form of the state, as a condition of the society and appears under several names: as liberal, parliamentary, representative democracy. The model of democracy understood in such terms exposes the fundamental problem. In such a constellation, political plurality and multiplicity are perceived as many “left-wing” and “right-wing” political parties which are supposed to “represent” the various interests of the people, political participation is reduced to the elections as the “feast of democracy” (that enacts the rule of counting), political equality is supposed to be guaranteed by the jurisprudence, while the combination of all this is supposed to be run by economic interests and competitivity. What we are really dealing with is the phenomenon of capitalo-parliamentarism or the “all-too-objectivist suture of market economy and election ritual” (Badiou), where there is no essential difference between “left-wing” and “right-wing” political parties, which are as such the delegates of the capital and not of the people or of basic equality. In this parliamentary fetishism that substitutes democracy, plural opinions are homogenized, any kind of multiplicity is unified and classified in a pragmatic and utilitarian manner, while the well-being of the common is subjected to the lucrative and technocratic interests of the political elites. What disappears in such a situation of matching without remainders between the forms of state and the state of social relations is precisely the demos; the phenomenon of the people as the basis of democracy, as the principle of ruling in the name of the people, only without them, is dissolved. This actually means the disappearance of politics itself, where people are reduced to voters or in other words buyers of a party’s programme, and it means further distancing from the emancipatory process of the uprising in which people have begun to take their own wishes and needs seriously and destroyed the chains of alienation which is the very basis of capitalist (re)production. By stressing the principles of self-organization, non-representation and non-hierarchicalness and exposing their bodies in the streets and squares, the uprisers remind us that the basis of each politics must be the well-being of the people and not the interests of capital. So the demand of the uprisers is not a political party “of their own” but a radical change in the understanding of political participation. The attempt to aestheticize the truly political demands of the uprisers represents a banal attempt to usurp its emancipatory potential and reduce this potential to the antipolitical interests of partitocracy, where politics is intended merely as a means towards achieving certain pragmatic goals and is preserved through the constant creation and reproduction of inequality.

Thirdly, the all-Slovenian uprising has never been the Slovenian uprising. Those who interpret the uprising in an exclusively national context, as a desire to preserve the Slovenian national identity, as a question of patriotism or statehood, have missed its essence due to their conservatism. The demands of the uprising are universal political demands: radical equality, good living and obedient governance. Such demands go far beyond the national – and any particular, identitary, communitary – frame, since they apply to everybody or rather whoever, they touch upon virtually anybody. The multiple and various singular demands of the uprising are crossed by the very universal, emancipatory demand for equality, which envelopes everybody or rather whoever and does not refer to any (individual or group) more in particular than to anybody else, or rather contains the ability to be referred to everybody without exception, without remainder. The uprisers know that Slovenia is not an isolated island and that under the conditions of global capitalism – privatization of the commons, people reduced to commodities i.e. workforce, disintegration of everything that doesn’t make profit – uprisings have been happening all over Europe and all over the world from Tunisia, Egypt and Lybia… through Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy… to the USA, Mexico and South America… All these uprisings (including the all-Slovene one) go beyond the national; they are distinguished by exceptionally evident transnationality, transversality and solidarity.

This is a global struggle between those who are violently excluded from the political space and those who have violently usurped this space. If anything, then this is an uprising against capitalism as a way of forming a society and against the political elites which enable and perform it. The attempts at nationalizing the uprising demonstrated through (apparently harmless) cultural, artistic, civil society events and addresses that wish to consolidate Slovenian culture, history and tradition, represent dangerous tendencies which may lead into identity exclusion and populism. The reduction of its universality and its political character to the context of nation, culture and statehood – which is always based on the constitution of a closed identity, formed by the exclusion of the Other (non-citizen, foreigner, migrant) –, is a favour to those who wish to use the uprising for their needs, to control it and to limit it. The increasing influence of fascist, neo-nazi and nationalist (patriotic) parties, movements and initiatives in Europe and across the world, which strengthen their position precisely through populist proclamations of the importance of one specific identity – nation, language, culture – distinctly shows this. The normalization of the perception of fascist, neo-nazi and nationalist (patriotic) tendencies has become frightening during the last years. The uprising represents a struggle against such tendencies, yet it does not reduce this struggle to humanitarian problems of intolerance, discrimination, disrespect of the state of law, but structures it as a fight against the inexistence of the true politics, that is equality. So the all-Slovenian uprising is not about the struggle of a nation and of a culture, it’s a class struggle, the anti-capitalist and anti-fascist struggle of each or any nation and each or any culture. The emancipatory struggle does not bring together nations and cultures in their identity; the repressed, the exploited, the suffering part of every nation and every culture come together in the shared struggle (Žižek).

Let us stop pretending. People are in the streets because they are angry, robbed and indignant, not because they are Slovene or because they want to become professional politicians or vote for a new political party or because they want to cram around a centralized stage in freezing cold to listen to the messages that come from it in the form of one-way monologue.

Besides, they understand very well that their well-being is not being threatened by foreigners, the others or those different, but by the ideology of global capitalism represented by the political elite, the “left” as well as the “right”. They participate in the uprisings because they have discovered their power, the power of political thinking and acting. Since they have understood that in its essence politics can not be represented – it can only be realized, checked and practiced, since true politics as a living idea of radical equality is in its essence non-representative –, they demand a radical transformation of the understanding of politics. Since they perceive politics as the building of the power of those who are no more entitled to govern than to be governed; their belief in the power of everybody leads them in the active creation of new, inclusive, beyond-parliamentary forms of political participation, which are beyond the concept of governance and division of power. The uprising has revealed the scandalous side of politics demonstrated in the absence of any kind of governance, as a creation of an an arche situation. And the scandalous side of democracy, where people have taken seriously their role (the people’s rule). This is what all those who only wish to rule fear the most. Both, professional politicians (“left” and “right”), as well as professional revolutionaries or representatives of the civil society who understand the protests just as an ascent to power. The attempts to depoliticize the uprising and deny it of its emancipatory potential, which is demonstrated in the constant discovery of the possibility of the impossible, in the constant moving of the boundaries of the possible or not yet possible, will always be seen as problematic. The declaration of the possibility of emancipatory politics and radical equality thus remains the main objective and purpose of the uprising, especially in view of the fact that, historically speaking, all rights were attained and not granted.

Lana Zdravković

PresenceCounts-15o-OccupyLjubljana

februar 11, 2013

Civil Society and Open Space Slovenia

odprtiprostorslovenije

Nobody holds the legitimacy to represent the protesters. Each of them represents himself/herself and forms an OPEN SPACE only through the interaction with other individuals. This open space is the only means through which the problems and the demands of the protesters can be articulated and alternative practices of everyday life can be created. The OPEN SPACE OF SLOVENIA will be set up based on the principle of people’s assemblies by using basic forms of communication on a horizontal level, without leaders, without “directors”, screenwriters and ideologists.

The concept of open space is not a simple one, it is a very complex matter in constant movement and development. Open space does not mean rounding up, organizing, organizations or similar.

Open space, defined in its essence, means the encounter of individuals who have an OPEN MIND (open to the thinking of other people with whom they interact on a social level and thus build society itself) and who think OUT OF THE BOX.

What does thinking OUT OF THE BOX mean?

Out of the box simply means that one thinks independently (does not conform to other people’s thinking and is prepared to give up his own thought in his own interest), while remaining OPEN-MINDED to the thinking of the individual they interact with. This leads to the building of a deeper consciousness, a collective consciousness which is the upgrade of your subjective thoughts and conclusions.

To put it in simple terms – two heads are better than one, but two heads can create more knowledge, the consciousness can only be achieved by allowing each other to think and encouraging each other in their thinking instead of restricting each other.

When two people are faced with a decision, the normal reaction is confrontation.

Each individual defends his opinion with the aim of convincing the opponent until one of the opinions prevails or they reach a compromise.

On the other hand, the goal of collective thinking is in the building. Two people with different opinions work together with the purpose of creating something new.

So my idea or yours is not a burden, but the purpose for these two ideas to create something new, something that can not be predicted

This orientation requires active listening and not merely preparing a response to what we hear.

_______________________

All this can only be achieved through establishing and maintaining an open space as such. Yet this open space can only exist as long as the people who meet in it are individuals who speak as individuals on their behalf and not in the name of some social structure or organization.

The main purpose is to OPEN UP these SPACES that are being under constant attempts of being TAKEN OVER. This OPEN SPACE must remain OPEN at all times, at everyone’s disposal for each individual to enter it unrestrictedly and speak unguided about his/her everyday dilemmas, life stories, proposals,solutions and to connect with other individuals and thus form the common.

We don’t need new political parties. We need a strong civil society that performs a corrective function in the sense of control over the powers that be. We need a civil society that does not, beg, is not subordinate, does not negotiate… BUT DEMANDS of each political power to put into practice the legitimate demands of the people.

Civil society must be able to detect in the wider social sphere what the legitimate expectations and demands of the people are. This detection can only be realized through people’s assemblies that must constantly provide an open space for each individual.

PresenceCounts-15o-OccupyLjubljana